waqoyga somalia

June 22, 2007 at 5:04 pm | Posted in somalia, somalia Vs Ethiopia | Leave a comment

Ethiopia’s entry into the Somali region in modern times dated
from Menelik’s conquest of Harer in the late 1890s, the
emperor basing his actions on old claims of Ethiopian
sovereignty.
In 1945 Haile Selassie, fearing the possibility of British
support for a separate Somali state that would include the
West Somalia, claimed Italian Somaliland as a “lost
province.” In Italian Somaliland, the Somali Youth League
(SYL) resisted this claim and in its turn demanded unification
of all Somali areas, including those in Ethiopia.


 


 

After the British evacuated the West Somalia in 1948, Ethiopian officers took over administration in the
city of Jijiga, at one point suppressing a demonstration led by the SYL, which the government
subsequently outlawed. At the same time, Ethiopia renounced its claim to Italian Somaliland in deference
to UN calls for self-determination. The Ethiopians, however, maintained that self-determination was not
incompatible with eventual union.
Immediately upon the birth of the Republic of Somalia in 1960, which followed the merger of British
Somaliland and Italian Somaliland, the new country proclaimed an irredentist policy. Somalia laid claim to
Somali-populated regions of French Somaliland (later called the French Territory of the Afars and Issas,
and Djibouti after independence in 1977), the northeastern corner of Kenya, and the West Somalia, a
vast, ill-defined region occupied by Somali nomads extending southeast from Ethiopia’s southern
highlands that includes a separate region east of Harer known as the Haud. The uncertainty over the
precise location of the frontier between Ethiopia and the former Italian possessions in Somalia further
complicated these claims. Despite UN efforts to promote an agreement, none was made in the colonial or
the Italian trusteeship period.
In the northeast, an Anglo-Ethiopian treaty determined the frontier’s official location. However, Somalia
contended that it was unfairly placed so as to exclude the herder’s resident in Somalia from vital seasonal
grazing lands in the Haud. The British had administered the Haud as an integral part of British Somaliland,
although Ethiopian sovereignty had been recognized there. After it was disbanded in the rest of Ethiopia,
the British military administration continued to supervise the area from Harer eastward and did not
withdraw from the Haud until 1955. Even then, the British stressed the region’s importance to Somalia by
requiring the Ethiopians to guarantee the Somali free access to grazing lands.
Somalia refused to recognize any pre-1960 treaties defining the Somali-Ethiopian borders because
colonial governments had concluded the agreements. Despite the need for access to pasturage for local
herds, the Somali government even refused to acknowledge the British treaty guaranteeing Somali
grazing rights in the Haud because it would have indirectly recognized Ethiopian sovereignty over the
area.
Within six months after Somali independence, military incidents occurred between Ethiopian and Somali
forces along their mutual border. Confrontations escalated again in 1964, when the Ethiopian air force
raided Somali villages and encampments inside the Somali border. Hostilities were ended through
mediation by the OAU and Sudan. However, Somalia continued to promote irredentism by supporting the
Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF), which was active in the West Somalia. Claims of oil discoveries
prompted the resurgence of fighting in 1973.

Somali Region in Ethiopia

Background Information: Social and Plotical

Overview about Regional Names like: Hararghe, Dire dawa, Bali, Sidamo, Jidwaaq, Hawd & Researved Area, Issa/Gurgura, Aw/Ogaden,
Westernsomali (Somaligalbeed),Zone 5 and finally Somali National Regional State

Incorporated into the Ethiopian Empire in the late 19th century, ethnic Somalis live mainly in Eastern Ethiopia in Somali Regional
National State. Somali State includes the Hawd and Researve Area, Isa/Gurgure Zone, Jigjiga Zone, Bali, Sidamo and Ogaden District
which has been an area with secessionist tendencies since Somali independence in 1960. From 1963-1969, Somali and Oromo people
were engaged in a major insurgency in Bale Province that was supported by the Somali Republic and put down with difficulty by the
Ethiopian state. Again in the mid-1970s, the Somali Republic encouraged ethnic Somalis in Ethiopia, especially the Western Somali
Liberation Front (WSLF), established in 1974, to rebel. In 1977 the Somali Republic invaded the Western Somali Land to help WSLF, but
they were pushed back by Ethiopian troops. By the late 1980s, Ethiopia and Somalia agreed to end their support for insurgent
movements based in each others= countries. In 1987, the Derg offered Ethiopian Somalis two autonomous regions: Dire Dawa
(Include Dire dawa, Jigjiga, Harshin and Hawd & Researved Area) and Ogaden (Godey and Qabridahar Zones). From this point forward,
most Somalis had little reason to want to join their brethren in Somalia. This became more and more apparent in the 1990s when the
Ethiopian civil war ended and democracy was slowly ushered in while at the same time, Somalia was increasingly torn apart by
factional fighting.

Since independence, ethnic Somalis have been organized in a number of political and military organizations which pressed for greater
autonomy for the Somali Zones (Somaligalbeed) or a greater say in the Ethiopian government. The Western Somali Liberation Front
(WSLF) operated in eastern Ethiopia and worked for self-determination of the region during Ethiopian Derge regime (mengistu and
Haile Sillase)=s civil war. Once a transitional government was put into place in 1991, the Somali organizations agreed in principle to
unite their causes and continue their push for self-determination. Yet, for the most part, Somali organizations have worked in the
political arena for greater autonomy during the 1990s. In 1994, a new constitution divided Ethiopia into regions based on ethnicity in
an attempt to ease ethnic tensions by giving the largest ethnic groups some control over their traditional territory. Throughout the
transitional period, some Somali groups, particularly one faction of the ONLF with Al-Itihad, continued to wage low-level warfare
against the government of Meles Zenawi. In January 1994, the ONLF and Al-Itihad in Somali Zone declared their continued fight for
self-determination of the Ogaden zones. The Ogaden was tense and police reportedly harassed people, arrested suspected supports
of the opposition, and committed arbitrary executions. After the ONLF announcement, ten other Somali organizations in the region
denounced the secessionist intentions of the ONLF and pledged their continued cooperation with the transitional government. These
groups merged to form the Ethnic Somali Democratic League (ESDL) which went on to win regional elections in 1995. The ESDL remains
more popular than the ONLF, and it appears that Somalis for the most part want peace and development for their region and are
willing to work through the democratic process in order to achieve these goals. One faction of the ONLF has merged with the ESDL, as
has the WSLF, and younger members of the organization are more willing to cooperate with the government of Meles than older,
entrenched members.

One other problem that has surfaced in the Somali zone recently is the rise of Islamic/tribal fundamentalism with the appearance of
al-Itihad al-Islam. The organization is based in Somalia and has carried out raids in the Somali region of Ethiopia. It has encouraged
Somalis to fight the Ethiopian government and has declared its intentions to rule Somalia by political or military means. For the most
part, Somalis have resisted the call to engage in a Aholy war@ against the state, yet the government remains concerned about the
movement. Meles= troops have carried out raids into the Somali Republic and currently occupy some border towns. They captured the
town of Luq which has been the al-Itihad al-Islam headquarters. Since Somalia has no central government at this time, Ethiopia=s
invasion has gone largely unchecked. Ethiopia, with an equal split between Christians and Muslims, hopes to remain a secular state
and the government is unlikely to tolerate armed rebellion from Islamic, or any other, extremists.

Chronology

4C: Christianity became the state religion in the ancient city-state of Aksum kingdom, which is now Ethiopia.

6C-10C: Aksum flourished. But from the 9th century, like all the other Christian kingdoms of North Africa and the Nile, Ethiopia was
threatened by Islam. Christianity managed to survive due to Ethiopia=s isolation.

12C: King Gadla Lalibela began to build grand churches in Lalibela.

1769-1855: Political power in Ethiopia, ruled by fifteen puppet emperors went through a process of decentralization.

1855: Emperor Teodros II consolidated his authority and reunified the Ethiopian empire.

1855-1908: Successive Ethiopian emperors from the Amhara and Tigre groups expanded the influence of their own peoples by
securing territories occupied by other ethnic groups. Since the mid-1800s, the emperor=s army had erected ketemas, garrison towns,
to rule Oromo and Somali areas. Political authorities imposed the Amhara-Christian culture upon those residing in ketemas in the
southern periphery and extracted resources from them.

1880s: Italy expanded its colonial sphere to include most of what is now Eritrea.

1889: In the Treaty of Ucciali, Emperor Menelik accepted Italy=s colonization of Eritrea. During the 19th century, Ethiopia had joined
the Great Powers (i.e., Britain, France, and Italy) and had expanded its territory beyond Gondar and Shoa to include the Ogaden.

1896: The war between Italy and Ethiopia (after Menelik refused to accept an Italian protectorate over all of Ethiopia and renounced
the Treaty of Ucciali) resulted in an Ethiopian victory at the battle of Adwa.

1908: The current boundaries of Ethiopia were established. Four successive emperors (until the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie I
by a military coup in 1974) built and consolidated their power.

1930: Haile Selassie I became Emperor. Under his regime, the country=s major economic resource was coffee produced mostly in
peripheral Oromo areas. The relations between Amhara-Tigre landlords and Oromo tenants had become set. A similar pattern was
established in the Afar and Somali-residing Ogaden region for large-scale government-run agribusiness schemes.

1936-1941: Italian Fascist Mussolini conquered Ethiopia. Haile Selassie was exiled.

1941: After the collapse of Mussolini, British military administration was established in Eritrea. British armies liberated Ethiopia and
restored Haile Selassie to his throne. Haile Selassie then successfully deflected ethnic sentiments for self-determination of the Oromos,
Somalis, and Afar and reconsolidated his authority.

1952: Ethiopia was joined in a federation with Eritrea (former Italian colony) by the United Nations. However, Haile Selassie abrogated
the federation and attempted to unify Ethiopia and Eritrea under his control within the next ten years.

1958: The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), mostly consisting of Muslim separatists, was formed in Cairo by students and workers.

1961 November: The ELF launched an open rebellion in western Eritrea, armed with weapons brought in from Sudan.

1962: Haile Selassie had the Eritrean Assembly dissolve the federal executive and integrate Eritrea fully into Ethiopia.

1972 February: Three groups split away from the ELF and established the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF).

1973: The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed. The legitimacy of the Haile Selassie regime was widely challenged as the
country=s economy fell into disarray and patterns of inequality persisted.

1974: Emperor Haile Selassie was deposed by revolutionary Marxist-Leninist military leaders.

1975: The monarchy was abolished by the armed forces. Rebellion in Eritrea gathered momentum.

The Tigray People=s Liberation Front (TPLF) was established.

The Western Somali Liberation Front was formed. It sought to secede and join Somalia.

1976: A Marxist military regime, the Derg (Amharic for Committee) was formally established in Addis Ababa. The Derg advanced no
policies to accommodate minority groups.

1977 February: Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam seized power after an internal struggle within the military leadership.

1977 April: Relations between Ethiopia and the United States were severed when the Mengistu regime turned to the Soviet Union for
military aid. Several groups opposed the regime because of ideological and political differences.

The country was severely challenged by nationalist movements and rebellions in Eritrea and in the Ogaden between 1976 and 1978.

1983: Drought and war with Eritrea caused one of Africa’s worst famines. Millions died in spite of massive food and medical aid from
Europe and America.

1984: The Workers= Party of Ethiopia (WPE) was set up in order to control politics and to legitimize Mengistu=s policies. Although the
WPE was declared to promote democracy and popular participation in party activities, no ethnic groups were represented among the
mass organizations constituting the WPE. Those who raised nationality issues were labeled Aanti-revolutionaries.@

The feudal land tenure system was dissolved under the Mengistu regime. All rural and most urban land became the property of the
state. For the first phase of the Mengistu regime, there were dramatic enhancements in formal educational opportunities (the illiteracy
rate dropped from 90 percent to less than 40 percent) and health care. The country=s economy experienced slight improvement during
the middle years of the Mengistu regime, but, between 1980 and 1988 agricultural production had declined by 0.4 percent per year.
The last days of the Mengistu regime manifested the patterns of inequality of the imperial regime.

1987 February: A civilian (Marxist-Leninist) Constitution was introduced, proclaiming the People=s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
(PDRE). The PDRE was led by an 835-member National Shengo (assembly) which aided Mengistu in consolidating his power.

1987 September: The Shengo initiated regional reorganization by creating 24 administrative regions and five autonomous regions
(Eritrea, Assab, Dire Dawa, Tigre, and Ogaden) in order to deflect nationalist discontent. The government=s intention in granting
autonomous status to the country=s core economic regions Assab and Dire Dawa was to placate them so that they would not ally with
the regions of Eritrea and Ogaden within which were operating secessionist elements. Most nationalist movements such as EPLF, TPLF,
and OLF dismissed the PDRE=s initiative and began to coordinate military strategy to increase their anti-government activities.

1988 November: Mengistu announced reform policies to promote private sector investment.

Late 1988: The Mengistu regime faced another major drought and intensified ethno-nationalist movements. When Mengistu was
informed that the Soviet Union would soon stop providing military aid, he declared a state of emergency.

1989 January: The TPLF (led by Meles Zenawi) organized the Ethiopian People=s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of
rebel forces against the Mengistu regime.

1989 May: While Mengistu was visiting East Germany in search of military aid, there was a coup attempt in Addis Ababa. Mengistu
hastily returned and brutally put down the coup. Some army units defected and took their arms with them to join opposition forces.

Late 1989: The OLF, EPLF, and EPRDF cooperated amongst themselves. Soldiers who defected from Mengistu=s army after the
abortive coup and prisoners of war were recruited to the organizations. The EPRDF created the Oromo People=s Democratic
Organization (OPDO), its own Oromo affiliate, and established other organizations representing various ethnic groups. The EPRDF
rejected Marxist slogans, advocated pragmatic policies, and encouraged close military and political cooperation with the TPLF and EPLF.

1990 March: The WPE=s new economic policy aimed to end the country=s centrally planned economy and initiate a mixed state, private
and cooperative economy. Yet it appeared to be too late to revive the country=s economy. Moreover, civil wars worsened the quality of
life. Mengistu, as did emperor Haile Selassie, failed to address the nationalities problem. The number of Ethiopian soldiers increased to
more than 500,000 by 1990, but Ethiopian forces rapidly declined in military position. The TPLF and the EPRDF took over the entire
Tigre region and large parts of Wollo, Gondar, and Shoa.

The EPLF controlled all towns in Eritrea except Asmara, Massawa, and Assab. The United States attempted to negotiate peace
between Ethiopia and the EPLF while the Italian government tried to arrange talks between Ethiopia and the TPLF.

Early 1991: An all-parties peace conference for Ethiopia was planned in London, but the EPRDF advanced within 23 miles of the capital,
Addis Ababa. The EPLF captured Massawa and closed in on Asmara.

1991 May 21: Herman Cohen, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, secured Mengistu=s exile to Zimbabwe. Before
his flight, Mengistu had appointed a new prime minister, Tesfaa Dinka, for the London peace talks.

1991 May 27: Herman Cohen convened peace talks in London between the rebels and the Ethiopian regime. A cease-fire agreement
was reached by all parties. Prime Minister Tesfaa Dinka boycotted the talks to oppose Cohen=s approval for the rebels to enter Addis
Ababa in spite of the cease-fire agreement. There was a massive airlift of 16,000 Ethiopian Jews.

1991 May 28: The EPRDF, many of its members teenagers, captured Addis Ababa against little resistance from the government army of
more than half a million. Subsidiary organizations within the EPRDF, such as the TPLF, the OPDO, the Ethiopian People=s Democratic
Movement (EPDM), and the Ethiopian Democratic Officers Revolutionary Movement (EDORM), were expected to play a key part in the
new Ethiopian state.

In Eritrea, the EPLF captured the cities of Asmara and Assab.

1991 July: After its victory, the EPRDF (led by Meles Zenawi) held a national conference and established the Transitional Government of
Ethiopia (TGE), seeking to form a broad-based political pact. A transitional charter was adopted by a multiparty conference and was to
remain in force until the general election scheduled for 1993. An 87-member Council of Representatives elected by the conference
confirmed Meles Zenawi as transitional President. The OLF, the Afar Liberation Front (ALF), and several Somali organizations agreed to
join the pact. But former members of the WPE and Mengistu=s followers, radical leftist groups including the Ethiopian People=s
Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and the All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement, and some conservative Ethiopian nationalist groups such as the
Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces (COEDF), opposed the EPRDF leadership.

The TGE included an ethnically mixed council of seventeen ministers representing seven ethnic groups. The EPRDF had the largest
single bloc in the Council of Representatives while the OLF was the second largest. The Council was given the authority to establish a
commission which would draw up a draft constitution.

In Oromo areas, the OLF had expanded the ranks of its military (eight thousand in 1991) by recruiting local civilians and former soldiers
of Mengistu=s army.

21 July 1991: The WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front) and the ONLF (Ogaden National Liberation Front) disclosed they had
merged in principle and agreed to work together in the future. They agreed to strive for self-determination of Somalis in Ethiopia.

9 December 1991: A meeting of Somali elders and leaders opened in Dire Dawa. They discussed ways of uniting the Somali of Ethiopia
and agreed to unite under the WSLF.

Early 1992: In preparation for the elections, the Council declared the Aencampment@ of all armed groups, designating them (including
the EPRDF) to serve as an interim national army and to provide police services. Armed conflicts erupted between the EPRDF and Oromo
members in the Oromo region. The EPLF at Makele attempted to arrange talks between the EPRDF and the OLF.

February 1992: Four thousand people died of starvation in Ogaden because of drought. An ONLF official said 91,000 more people are
affected by the drought. In January, the United Nations airlifted food and medicine to about 30,000 people in Ogaden. Most of those
affected were Ethiopian refugees who fled to Somalia in the late 1970s and only returned when civil war broke out in Somalia in 1991.

1992 April: An encampment accord was made between the EPRDF and the OLF.

The National Electoral Commission (NEC), consisting of ten multi-ethnic members drawn from the Council, was founded to establish
local administrations with broad ethnic and political representation. As the date for the regional and local elections approached in the
early summer of 1992, ethnic tensions intensified.

Following the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (IFLO), which had withdrawn from the elections earlier, the All-Amhara
People=s Organization (AAPO), the Ethiopian Democratic Action Group (EDAG), the Gideo People=s Democratic Organization (GPDO),
and the OLF also withdrew. Approximately 50-60 percent of the voting-age population refused to participate in the elections. The NEC
had to postpone the elections in many areas and yet the elections went ahead as planned on June 21, 1992. The OLF decamped and
broke into small units which triggered the resumption of civil war.

4 April 1992: Nine Somali organizations met in Addis Ababa and agreed to set up a non-political technical committee to deal with
development issues in Somali region. They also agreed to cooperate with the transition government to further cement unity and to
help develop the Ogaden region.

1992 June: The number of registered political parties swelled to over two hundred, but only a few had a sizable number of members.
The OLF withdrew from the government (the Council of Representatives).

1992 October: President Meles officially abolished press censorship, but several provisions in the new law allowed the government
ample routes to informally censor the media and to harass journalists.

December 1992: National Regional elections took place in Region 5 (Somali National Region). The ONLF and WSLF performed well in the
26 districts. There are 12 Somali organizations in the region.

ONLF officials reported famine in Ogaden.

Early 1993: The TGE made appointments to the country=s first independent judiciary. Political and economic reforms have attracted
great favor from foreign donors. To reduce the nationalities problem, Meles announced that his government would form a multi-ethnic
national army.

Popular discontent by those opposed to the TGE=s policy and those favoring ethnically based secession for certain groups continued
to run high. However, the insurrection was largely contained.

January 1993: The founding conference of the council for Region 5 began 21 January. The executive committee members elected
Abdullahi Muhammed Sa=di President, Siyad Badri Muhammed Vice President, and Mahdi Ahmad Warsameh Secretary. The president
and vice president are from the ONLF and Warsameh is of the Isa and Gurgura Liberation Front.

1993 March: President Meles confirmed that multi-party legislative elections would not take place until 1994. The transitional period
scheduled to end in 1993 was extended.

1993 April: Eritrea declared independence following the referendum. The TGE and the Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE)
maintained cooperative relationships.

Meles ousted five political groups (who called themselves the Southern Coalition and pressed for a dissolution of the Council of
Representatives) from the Council.

1993 September: The Council issued a decree relating to elections for a constituent assembly which barred members of the WPE from
participating. The Council also excluded all former security personnel and ex-soldiers who had not completed the national rehabilitation
program. During late 1993, the governing coalition narrowed substantially.

1993 December: The TGE allowed a conference on peace and reconciliation organized by approximately 50 internal and exiled
opposition groups. But seven participants from abroad, including the two leading figures of the exiled OLF, were arrested (and then
released in January 1994). The TGE itself boycotted the conference.

26 January 1994: On 18 January, the ONLF and eight other Ethiopian Somali organizations announced a declaration in favor of
self-determination in Ogaden (the Eastern part of Somali National Regional State). The situation in Ogaden District has worsened
recently with the military carrying out arrests and putting down pro-secession rallies. The ONLF said three people were summarily
executed while in custody and more than 100 have been arrested in recent weeks.

4 February 1994: Ten Ethiopian Somali political organizations issued a statement denouncing the demand for immediate secession of
the Ogaden tribe, supported by the ONLF. They expressed their firm commitment to the ongoing transition process aimed at
establishing a civil society based on rule of law, justice and democratic principles.

12 February 1994: Ten Ethiopian Somali organizations merged to form the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL). The groups
are: Somali Democratic Union Party= Isa and Gurgura Liberation Front; Gurgura Independence Front; Eastern Gabdoye Democratic
Organization; Eastern Ethiopian Somali League; Horyal Democratic Front; Social Alliance Democratic Organization; Somali Abo
Democratic Union; Shekash People=s Democratic Movement; Ethiopian Somali Democratic Movement.

1994 April: The TGE attempted to implement a policy which respected the languages and cultures of historically oppressed minorities
and allowed them a certain amount of regional autonomy based upon their ethnic affinities. Therefore, the TGE created fourteen new
regions. A region consisted of several districts (woreda, the basic unit of national and regional autonomous government). The
Oromo=s region is the largest (220 woreda out of 600 for federated Ethiopia), followed by Amhara (126), Tigre (62), and Somali (47).
While the TGE controlled defense, foreign affairs, economic policy, and citizenship, the law enabled the new regional governments to
have broad political powers. Still, the EPRDF clearly declared that regional autonomy should be guaranteed only within the framework
of a unified, federated Ethiopia. Neither the aspirations of ethnic groups for their rights to self-determination nor ethnic tensions,
however, were appeased by this new policy. For instance, some Oromo people, including members of the OLF, increased their
demands for the creation of an independent state of Oromia.

30 April 1994: At the Region 5 Executive Council Meeting, Council members dismissed the Council=s chairman Hassan Jire Kalinle and
his deputy Ahmed Ali. Representatives of the outgoing majority (the ONLF and WSLF hold 60 of 107 seats on the Council) denounced
the decision on the grounds that only 14 members of the outgoing council were present.

1994 June 5: The Constitutional Assembly was selected in an election boycotted by non-EPRDF parties. Despite the TGE=s promise to
include many groups in the assembly, the Amhara and Oromos continued to be poorly represented. The charter articulated the right of
each nationality to govern its own affairs within the context of a federated Ethiopia by establishing autonomous regions based upon
ethnic identities. Yet, human rights violations by the TGE were continually reported.

The heightened ethnic tensions (often with low-intensity civil war) slowed the constitution-making process. Multi-party elections to
install a new democratic government were delayed indefinitely.

10 September 1994: Preliminary results of polls in Somali Region showed the ESDL winning 7 of 11 constituencies, the WSDP 1
constituency and independent candidates winning three. Figures on five other constituencies were unavailable. Elections were held 28
August.

1994 December: A new constitution, which restructured Ethiopia into nine ethnically-based federated states with a national
parliament, was ratified by the country=s constituent assembly. This was the result of long-term negotiations which began in 1991
following the collapse of the Mengistu regime.

The TGE had strengthened the economy with free market policies since 1992.

Somali elders petitioned President Meles Zenawi to grant amnesty to armed dissidents in order to give rebels a chance to reconcile
with the local population. Ethnic Somali leaders stated their only agenda was to achieve better social and economic conditions for the
region, not to secede. About 2/3 of the Somali region=s population are returned who have not been settled since the end of civil war
in 1991.

1995 January 1: An estimated 250,000 people staged a demonstration in Addis Ababa in support of the new constitution. However,
opposition groups said that they would not approve a new constitution.

23 January 1996: The leader of ONLF claimed that the government killed more than 100 civilians in a punitive campaign against the
local population. Sheikh Ibrahim Abdullah, while on a visit to Saudi Arabia, spoke of ongoing battles between the government and
ONLF forces. In the past, Amnesty international has reported cases of arbitrary arrests, killings and torture of pro-independence
elements in the Ogaden. Following the ONLF victory in regional elections in 1993, the Front called for a referendum to determine the
future of the region. Ethiopia responded by removing pro-independence ONLF members from the regional assembly which triggered an
armed conflict.

1995 January 28: The Founding Congress of Region 5 (Somali Region) took place. Council members belonging to the WSDP and ONLF
did not attend the Congress. The Congress approved the region=s name (Somali Regional National State), language (Somali), and
capital (Jijiga).

1995 March 24: A UN official said that more than 93,000 Ethiopian refugees living in Sudan, Djibouti, Somalia, and Kenya since 1991
would be repatriated this year. But the UNHCR said that no plan had been made to repatriate the 360,000 refugees from Somalia,
Sudan, Djibouti, and Kenya living in Ethiopia.

1995 April 15: Voters began registering for Ethiopia=s first multi-party elections in May. The Amhara National Democratic Movement
(ANDM), the Oromo People=s Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Southern Ethiopian People=s Democratic Union (SEPDU), and the
TPLF, who ousted Mengistu and set up the TGE, were expected to dominate the elections. These groups had championed Eritrean
independence and self-determination for all nationalities in a federal system for the multi-ethnic state.

1995 May 1: The International Commission of Jurists accused Ethiopian leaders of suppressing political dissent and violating human
rights. Between 1992 and 1994, thousands of government opponents were reported to be held without trial for expressing their
political opinions.

1995 May 4: The leaders of Coalition of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAFPDE), an opposition coalition of
more than 30 parties, including the OLF and the southern Ethiopian People=s Democratic Coalition (SEPDC), boycotted and dismissed
the elections as a sham. The CAFPDE refused the appeals of Western donors, particularly the United States, to join the elections,
arguing that the elections only served the interests of the EPRDF.

Three people were killed in the eastern town of Harar when a grenade was lobbed into a bar. Also, at least 15 people were killed and
10 wounded in the eastern town of Dire Dawa when a grenade exploded in a busy market frequented by ethnic Somalis. The eastern
region of Ethiopia is a stronghold of Oromo and Ogadeni opposition parties which boycotted the polls and the site of a low intensity
guerrilla war by ethnic militants.

1995 May 5: Elections in the Somali-speaking East and the Afar-dominated Northeast were postponed until May 27 because the
government said there were logistical, rather than security, problems.

1995 May 7: Ethiopia held the first multi-party parliamentary elections in its 2000-year history. More than 15 million of Ethiopia=s 55
million people registered to vote for a 550-seat national parliament and regional councils. Most opposition parties boycotted the
election. More than 280 foreign monitors were present in Addis Ababa. As expected, President Meles Zenawi=s EPRDF ruling coalition
won by a landslide.

1995 May 15: The Organization of African Unity (OAU) said that the elections held in Ethiopia were free and fair. The state-run
Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) reported that the Oromo People=s Democratic Organization (OPDO) took 18 of the 20 constituencies for
the federal parliament and regional council in the southern region of Bale and the western region of Illibabor, both Oromo strongholds.

1995 May 17: The Ethiopian News Agency said that the OLF in the eastern town of Harar dissolved its central committee and threw out
leaders in exile in order to continue to stir violence in the Ogaden region.

1995 May 26: Elections scheduled for May 27 were delayed in the ethnic Somali and Afar regions. External Economic Co-operation
Minster Abdulmejid Hussein, the chairman of the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL, a coalition of 14 groups), expressed
disappointment over the polls delay. He observed that Somali-inhabited regions were more peaceful than Washington, D.C.

1995 May 27: The ONLF has given itself new management and decided to extend its activities throughout Ethiopia. A new Central
Committee was named. The eviction of exiled ONLF officials was motivated by a desire to make a clean break with elements
systematically opposed to the EPRDF. The ONLF took part in elections in June and September 1994.

1995: The State Department=s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1995 reported Ethiopia continued on the road to
democracy in 1995 with the holding of national and regional election in May and June. A new constitution was adopted in December
1994.

The military continued low-level operations to counter armed attacks by the OLF and IFLO (Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromiya)
throughout the year.

The military, ONLF (Ogaden National Liberation Front), al-Itihad, OLF and IFLO were all reported to have committed summary
executions during clashes in parts of Oromo and Somali states.

The government continued to detain persons without charge. These included several hundred Oromo youth suspected of participating
in the OLF armed campaign against the government.

1995 June 10: The newly restructured ONLF has decided to participate in Region 5 elections scheduled for 18 June. A former party
executive had called for a boycott.

August 1995: The Council of Representatives transferred power to the newly elected government, EPRDF (Ethiopian People=s
Revolutionary Democratic Front) . Transitional President Meles Zenawi was elected Prime Minister on 23 August.

Meles named an 18 member cabinet on 24 August. Its members come from diverse ethnic groups and political affiliations. Four
members are Amharas, four are Oromo, one each from the Afar, Somali and Harar ethnic groups, and seven, including two from Meles=
own Tigray ethnic group) come from the Southern People=s Coalition. Eight members of the cabinet belong to the EPRDF alliance, eight
are independent with no political affiliations, one is from the Afar Liberation Front and one is from the EDSL. The lower house of
parliament unanimously approved the new cabinet.

1995 September 30: Three groups from the Somali Region, the ESDL, WSDP, and ONLF, announced the conclusion of an agreement to
work towards unification.

1995 November 4: Seven MPs of Somali Regional Parliament were arrested on charges of corruption. The ONLF claims they were
arrested because they are members or supporters of the ONLF.

23 January 1996: The leader of ONLF claimed that the government killed more than 100 civilians in a punitive campaign against the
local population. Sheikh Ibrahim Abdullah, while on a visit to Saudi Arabia, spoke of ongoing battles between the government and
ONLF forces. In the past, Amnesty international has reported cases of arbitrary arrests, killings and torture of pro-independence
elements in the Ogaden. Following the ONLF victory in regional elections in 1993, the Front called for a referendum to determine the
future of the region. Ethiopia responded by removing pro-independence ONLF members from the regional assembly which triggered an
armed conflict.

Also in January, the ONLF declared a Aholy war@ against the Meles regime. The organization is thought to be close to Somalia=s
Mohamed Farrah Aideed and is composed mainly of the Somali Darood subclan. It is less popular in the Somali Region of Ethiopia than
the ESDL, a coalition of 14 Somali organizations, which won then regional election in 1995. One faction of the ONLF has joined the
ESDL, but another remains opposed to the unity of Ethiopia.

6 July 1996: The Ogaden National Liberation Front and the Oromo Liberation Front have announced their intentions to coordinate their
diplomatic, political, and military activities. The joint communique does not explicitly opt for independence on their territory but
expresses their desire for a referendum on this issue.

1996 July 13: Spokesman Abdulkadir Mohamed Dhaqane said that al-Itihad al-Islam claimed responsibility for an attack on Ethiopian
Transport and telecommunications Minister Abdul Mejid Hussein. One policeman was killed in the assassination attempt. The group also
claimed responsibility for bomb attacks at hotels in January and February. Dhaqane said the terrorist attacks were meant to protest
the ESDL=s grip on Somali Region. The group accuses the ESDL, which is headed by Abdul Mejid, of dividing Ethiopian Somalis. A split
within ESDL has also surfaced with some members accusing the Issaq subclan of running Somali Region to the exclusion of eleven
other clans in ESDL and Majeed is seen as cooperating too closely with Addis Ababa. This faction also feels ESDL could hold peace talks
with ONLF and al-Itihad.

August 1996: Ethiopian forces attacked the Somali border towns of Dolow, Luq, Buhohawo, and Bohol Garas. The Ethiopian
government was fighting al-Itihad al-Islam which has been engaged in hit and run battles against Ethiopian forces in Somali Region.
Luq is the headquarters of al-Itihad and it has been ruled by shari=a law since the outbreak of civil war in Somalia in 1991. The group
claimed 150 people were killed in the Ethiopian raid. The Somali government later confirmed the attacks.

3 December 1996: The Administration for Returned and Refugee Affairs in Ethiopia stated that there are 276,000 Somali refugees in
the country.

6 December 1996: The Deputy-Governor of Somali National Regional State has been dismissed from his political and party posts for
failing to discharge his responsibilities. Five other ESDL regional council members have been issued warnings they may also face
dismissal.

4 January 1997: Hassan Dahir Aweys, leader of al-Itihad al-Islam, has said his group has set a goal of ruling Somalia by political or
military means. Aweys said he rejected an agreement reached at the meeting of 26 Somali faction leaders in Sodare, Ethiopia. He also
said he supports all groups inside Ethiopia fighting for Islam.

9 January 1997: Ethiopia was angered by the statement of Sudan=s Charge d=Affairs to Mogadishu which urged Somalis to take up
arms and fight the Ethiopian government. The Charge d=Affairs had been meeting with the extremist al-Itihad al-Islam and urged
Somalis to declare a Aholy war@ against the Ethiopian government.

Somali faction leader Hussein Mohamed Aidid has requested the Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD)
to intervene and stop Ethiopia from occupying part of Somalia=s territory. The statement charged that Ethiopia currently occupies 30
square kilometers of Somali territory. Hussein and al-Itihad al-Islam leaders agreed to cooperate in ending Ethiopia=s occupation of
Dolow, which Ethiopia captured in December.

16 January 1997: The ESDL and ONLF announced that a merger conference would be held in May. They also stated that al-Itihad
al-Islam, a fundamentalist organization based in Somalia, is trying to interfere in the continuing process of forming a strong regional
government in Somali region . The ESDL and ONLF stated they would fight with the people of the region and the regional council
against al-Itihad.

18 February 1997: The UNHCR said about 10,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia would return home by May.

March 1997: The government announced that emergency food aid was needed in three southern states to feed more than one million
people. In December 1996, 34,000 quintals of grain were sent to drought stricken regions including Somali Regional State and Afar
Regional State. About 600,000 people faced an acute shortage of drinking water. No rain has fallen in the area since September.

28 May 1997: Thirteen Oromo soldiers defected to the Islamic forces of al-Itihad which is based in Somalia. They were led by Izadin Ali
Bali who was the commander of three units based along the Somali-Ethiopian border. The defectors said they had suffered ethnic and
religious discrimination from the Tigray members of Ethiopia=s army.

The al-Itihad, an Islamic fundamentalist organization, was blamed for a wave of terrorist attacks throughout Ethiopia in 1996-1997.

1997 May 30: Somali Regional State head Id Tahir Farah said education and health institutions have been growing in the region since
peace in May 1991.

1997 June 12: There were reports of heavy fighting between Ethiopian government forces and al-Itihad along the border region of
Gedo, Somalia. Ethiopia is said to have captured Luq and Bulo Hawo towns and other villages.

October 1997: The ESDL chairman condemnd a move by the Somali Regional State council=s vice president to oust the president. After
the attempted ouster, both the president and vice president were dismissed and a reshuffling of the regional committee decided.
Mohamed Maalim, and ONLF representative, was named president while Rayaleh Ahmoud, and Issa, was named vice president.

Five al-Itihad leaders called for talks with the Ethiopian government. No information was available on whether the talks took place.

December 1997: Fourteen alleged members of al-Itihad were on trial charged with killing civilians and damaging properties in various
parts of the country. They were accused of being responsible for the bombings at Ghron Hotel and Wabe Shebelle Hotel in Addis Ababa
and Ras Hotel in Dire Dawa and the bombing of a passenger bus. Al-Itihald is based in lower and middle Jubba regions of Somalia.

12 December 1997: Sixteen ESDL members, including the Secretary-General, were dismissed from the Central Committee and party for
committing Aillegal acts opposed to the democratic system.@

February 1998: Extensive flooding since November 1997 has left thousands of families internally displaced in the Gode and Afder zones
of Somali Regional State.

23 March 1998: The ONLF has released an Austrian woman held captive after being caught trespassing in February on their area of
control in Ogadenia, Somali Regional State. One captor said he was sorry about her case and admitted that a lot of massacres,
robberies, killing, displacement, and imprisonment are taking place in Ogadenia (though the story failed to clarify by whom these
human rights violations are being committed).

27 March 1998: Dr. Kassu Illala, Deputy Prime Minister for economic affairs said special development efforts are being made to redress
regional developmental imbalances particularly seen in Gambella, Benishangol-Gumz, and Somali and Afar Regional States. Establishing
schools and providing skilled manpower from the federal government are two priorities. The health service bureau of Afar region says
there has been a rise in health service in the region due to an increase in the number of health professionals and institutions over the
past four years.

21 April 1998: About 8000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia were repatriated to Somalia. There are plans to repatriate 60,000 more in the
near future.

June 1998: The ESDL and ONLF will merge into one organization next month. The groups announced the merger in January 1997, held
meetings on the merger beginning in January 1998, and are scheduled to integrate in July 1998. One faction of the ONLF led by sheik
Ibrahim Abdullahi, has rejected the merger and continues to oppose the EPRDF government.

5 June 1998: Fifty people were killed when Eritrea bombed Mekele, capital of Tigray province. Eritrea and Ethiopia have been engaged
in a low-intensity border war for several weeks. At issue is a 160 square mile region which Eritrea says was not fully settled when
Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993.

6 June 1998: ARDUF, which is fighting on both sides of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border, is respecting its self-declared cease-fire and has
appealed to the two governments to resolve their border dispute.

12 June 1998: Eritrea said Ethiopia had withdrawn its forces from near Badda. The Ethiopian government had sent its forces into the
area in July 1997 on the pretext of warding off Afar opposition forces. Ethiopia then dismantled the Eritrean administrative institutions
and replaced them with an Ethiopian administration.

The Ethiopian government decided to reduce its Eritrean Embassy staff and close its consular offices in Tigray and Afar regions.

The border dispute has led to 126,000 people being displaced in Tigray region. Reuter reported that 95% of the former guerrillas of the
Tigrean People=s Liberation Front had been mobilized and were driving towards the border.

Risk Assessment

It appears that the government of Meles Zenawi is sincerely trying to bring together the diverse peoples of Ethiopia under a
democratic regime. After years of civil war and repressive rule, the people of Ethiopia want peace and development for their regions. In
an attempt to accommodate ethnic aspirations for autonomy, the new constitution divided Ethiopia up into regions based on ethnicity.
In addition, Meles has attempted to form a cabinet that is ethnically diverse. There is still opposition to his regime, complaints that the
election process has not been free and fair, and grumbling for greater autonomy for some regions, but for the most part, Ethiopia
appears to be making the transition to democratic rule. However, there are still reports of human rights abuses and the government
has recently been relentless in its attempt to push out Islamic extremists who have been trying to motivate Somalis to engage in a
Aholy war@ against the state.

Somalis remain an at-risk group because of their history of opposition to the Ethiopian state and because the transition to democracy
is so recent. It is not clear that peace will be permanent. The Somali region and other regions are in need of much development and
natural disasters such as drought continue to plague the region. If economic hardships continue to face the people of Ethiopia and
different ethnic groups feel they are being neglected under future democratically elected governments, they may take up arms once
again. At present, this scenario does not seem likely, but the history of ethnic conflict in Ethiopia is a reminder that unification of the
country will take much work. The other threat to both the Somali people and the state at present is Islamic fundamentalism that is
likely supported by both Somalia and Sudan. Islamic fundamentalists, especially al-Itihad al-Islam, are agitating for a Aholy war@
against the Ethiopian state, and this could affect Somalis negatively because they are Muslims and their region borders on Somalia
where al-Itihad is based. Currently, the Ethiopian government is using great military strength in order to eradicate al-Itihad from
Ethiopia. So far Somalis have largely avoided the conflict, but they could conceivably be dragged into it, especially as civilian victims, by
either the government or al-Itihad.

Taariikh socota: Taxanaha Assalka Khilaafka u dhexeeya Soomaaliweyn iyo Ethiopia.

June 18, 2007 at 5:10 am | Posted in somalia Vs Ethiopia | 2 Comments

Waxaa qoray: A/Rasaq.H.Nuurre,

E-Mail: Alldalka@Alldalka.com

 

Hordhac

Laga soo bilaabo dhammaadkii Qarnigii 13aad illaa qarnigan 21aad ee aynu ku jirno dadka ku dhaqan Geeska Afrika, gaar ahaan Soomaaliweynta degta inta u dhaxaysa Gacanka Cadan ama Jibbuuti iyo Wabiga Tana ee Kenya, iyo dadka assal ahaan deegaankoodu yahay dhulka sare ee Ethiopia, Amharada iyo Tikrega, waxaa soo maray khilaafaad marba heer taagnaa, duruufaha isbadbadalayey ee caalamkuna ay gacan xooggan ku lahaayeen hadba dhinaca ay u janjeersato ama u liicdo awodda ciidan, dhaqaale iyo siyaasadeedba.

Dadka Soomaaliweyn oo aan tirokoob sax ah lagu hayn inta ay tiradoodu dhantahay, duruufaha jira awgood, waxay intooda badani ay deggenyihiin Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya dhulka looyaqaan, inta kalena waxay ku noolyihiin Djibouti, NFD iyo dhulka Soomali Galbeed ama Ogaden sida caalamkuba u yaqaan.

Dadkaas Soomaaliyeed ee aan kor kusoo xusnay waxay kaga duwanyihiin dadyowga kale ee Bariga Africa kula nool islamarahaantaasna mideeya ku hadalkooda afka Soomaaliga, dhaqashada xoolaha nool oo uu geelu halbowle u yahay, iyo wadaaga dhaqan iyo diin kaliya oo midaysa, Iamaslaamka.

Sidaan sheegnay Soomaaliweyntan ma jirto cid luuqad ahaan ukala tarjunta, waxayna leeyihiin muuqaal u gaar ah oo Soomaalinimadooda laga dheehan karo.

Dadkaan Soomaaliyeed waxay kasoo badbaadeen jillaafooyin farabadan laga soo bilaabo qarnigii 10aad, gaar ahaan wixii ka danbeeyey qarnigii 13aad oo muran xooggan oo ku salaysan xagga dhulka iyo caqiidada uu kala dhexeeyey Boqortooyadii ka dhisnayd dhulka sare ee Ethiopia mudada dheer oo u arkaysay marwalba in dadka Soomaalidu ay yihiin khatarta ugu weyn ee kusoo fool-leh jiritaankooda iyo danahooda geeska Afrika.

Wixii ka danbeeyey bilowgii saldanaddii Awdal ee ka abuurantay agagaarka Harar kadib burburkii kuyimid Saldanaddii Muslimiintu ay ku lahaayeen waqooyiga Ethiopia, Qarnigii 13aad, ee lagu magacaabijiray IFAT ama AWFAT, waxaa qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed u bilowday waa cusub iyo halgan adag oo ku dhisan taariikh socota ku dhawaad 7 qarni oo ay kula jiraan labadaas qowmiyadood ee aan horay u sheegnay in ay degaan dhulka sare ee Ethiopia (Amxaarada iyo Tigreega), oo iyagu marwalba awoodooda dhaqaale, siyaasad, iyo ciidanba uu ku xirnaa quwado shisheeye, gaar ahaan kuwii ka jirey Yurub.

Laga soo bilaabo boqortooyadii Abasiinya ee qarnigii 13aad illaa laga soo gaaro tii u danbaysay ee Haile Selassie (1930-1974) iyo nidaamyadii soo maray xukunka Ethiopia ee uu kamid yahay kan maanta ka jira Adis-ababa ee Meles Zenawi, waxaa shacabka Soomaaliyeed ku socda qorshe adag oo khatar badan leh, una baahan in dadka Soomaaliyeed meelwaba oo uu joogo uu ka fikiro sidii uu uga badbaadi lahaa.

Waxaan shaki ku jirin in Soomaalinimadu aysan kusoo dhismin ficil siyaasadeed oo ay ku midaysnaayeen qabaa’ilkaas Soomaaliyeed. Waxaan sidoo kale shaki ku jirin in Qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed ay si tartiib-tartiib ah uga soo fideen xeebaha ku teedsan Khaliijka Cadan (waqooyi Bari, Galbeed, iyo Djibouti), ayna ku qaadatay muddo 10 qarni ku dhow in ay gaaraan wabiga Tana ee Kenya. Laakiin tani kuma dhisnayn dhulballarsi ay u danlahaayeen Qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed ee aan sheegnay in aanay lahayn fikir siyaasadeed oo ay ku midaysnaayeen oo salka kuhayey Boqortooyo, ama nidaam dawladeed oo ay wadaageen, sida kuwii Tigreega iyo Amxaarada ee ka dhisnaa dhulka sare ee Ethiopia; wuxuu ahaa mid inta badan ay ku baadigoobayeen daaqsin iyo biyo.

Cutubka 1aad

Boqortooyada Ethiopia

Si aan u fahanno assalka khilaafaadka Soomaliweyn iyo qowmiyadaha Tigre-Amhariga, waxaa haboon in aan taariikhda boqortooyada Ethiopia dib u raadqaadno ilaa aan ka gaarno boqortooyadii Aksum oo ahayd boqortooyadii ugu muhiimsanayd ee soo marta taariikhda Ethiopia. Waxaad qormooyinkeena soo socda ka dhadhansan-doontaa sida dhacdooyinkii soo maray boqortooyadan reer Aksum ay saamaynta (aan tooska ahayn) ugu yeesheen khilaafka Soomaalida iyo Tigree-Amhaarada inkastoo xilligaas aanay jirin wax khilaaf ah oo kusugan buugaagta taariikhda inta aan anigu ka akhriyey. Laakiin waxaan dareemay in ay lagama maarmaan tahay in wax laga ogaado taariikhda boqortooyada Aksum mar hadiiba laga hadlayo khilaafka Soomaalida iyo Ethiopia.

I. Reer Aksum

Aksum, waxay ahayd boqortooyadii ugu horaysay ee Ethiopia waxaana loogu magacdaray caasumaddii xilligaas gobolka Tigre ee Aksum. Waxaa laxusaa in boqortooyadani ay soo bilaabatay qarnigii Koowaad ee miilaadiga; qiyaastii qarnigii Afraadna waxaa la rumaysanyahay in ay qaadatay diinta Masiixiga ee Nabi Ciise (Naxariis iyo nabadgelyo korkiisa ha ahaato). Intaanan faah-faahinta boqortooyada Aksum aanan u gelin waxaan jeclaystay in aan isla xusuusanno, si kooban, sidoo kale assalka magacyada Ethiopia iyo Xabasha halka ay iyaguna taariikh ahaan kasoo jeedaan.

Ethiopia waa magac assalkiisu uu luuqadda Greek kasoo jeedo, micnihiisuna uu yahay “Dadkii wajiyada gubnaa” (Burned faces) oo reer Greek ugu yeeri jireen dadkii kunoola dhulka Suudaan iyo Ethiopia amaba dadka madoow ee qaaradda Afrika ee dhulkaas kunoolaa. Waxaa larumaysanyahay in magaca Ethiopia uu bilaamay Qarnigii Afraad ( Ethiopia, The unknown land, bogga.19)

Xabasha waxay iyana luuqad ahaan kasoojeeda dhulka carabta, laakiin guud ahaan magaca uu dhulka Ethiopia xilligaas uu caanka ku ahaa waxa uu ahaa Aksum oo loogu magacdaray boqortooyada reer Aksum.

Waxaa la rumaysanyahay in boqorkii ugu horeeyey ee reer Aksum ee qaata diinta Masiixiga uu ahaa boqor Ezan sanadkii 340 miilaadiga; laakiin waxaad ku arkaysaa buugaagta kale ee taariikhda Ethiopia wax ka qoray in labadii boqor ee mataanaha ahaa ee reer Aksum, boqor Atsbeha iyo Abraha ay iyagu ahaayeen boqoradii ugu horeeyey ee reer Aksum ee qaata diinta masiixiga. Boqor Abraha, oo ay taariikdiisa si fiican uga hadleen buugaagta taariikhda ee Islaamka, Quraankuna uu kaga hadlay dhacdadii Maroodiga, wuxuu ahaa boqorkii reer Aksum ee weeraray Kacbada waxyar kahor dhalashadii nabi Muxamed (naxariis iyo nabdgelyo korkiisa ha ahato)

Labadaan boqor, Atsbeha iyo Abraha qiyaastii laba qarni ayay ka danbeeyeen boqor Esankii aynu soo sheegnay in uu ahaa buqorkii ugu horeeyey ee reer Aksum ah oo qaata diinta Masiixiga. Sida taariikhda ku sugan, Boqor Atsbeha, oo looyaqaanay boqor Kaleb, wuxuu ku duulay oo qabsaday qaybo kamid ah dhullka Yaman; gaar ahaan dhulkii ay maamulaysay boqortooyadii Yuhuudda ee ka dhisnayd Ximyar qarnigii Lixaad ee uu boqorka ka ahaa Boqor Yusuf Asar Yathar. Sabata keentay qabsashada boqor Atsbehe uu qabsaday boqortooyada Ximyar waxaa lagu tilmaamaa in ay timid kagadaal markii Boqortooyada Ximyar ay dad masiixiyiin ah ku laysay dhulkii ay maamulaysay. Boqorrada Reer Aksum dabcan masiixiyiin bay ahaayeen, taas ayaana sabab looga dhigi karaa duulaanka reer Aksaum ee koonfurta carabta inkastoo ay jiri karaan sababo kale.

Qarnigii 6aad, oo ay awoodda dhaqaale, siyaasad iyo ciidan ee Boqortooyada reer Aksum isa soo tartay, waxaa markan lasoo guboonaaday dhibaato weyn oo xitaa gilgilay dhulkii ay assal ahaan kasoo jeeday ee waqooyiga Ethiopia ee Aksum. Imbaratooriyaddii Furus ama Persia oo xilliyadaas ahayd mid kamid ah labadii quwadood ee jirey waxay markan go’aansatay in reer Aksum koonfurta Carabta laga saaro. Persianku waxay sanadkii 570 kusoo weerareen Boqortooyadii Aksum ee ka dhisnayd yaman 8 doonyood iyo 800 oo ciidan ah ( History of Ethiopia, Marcus, bogga.10).

Xilligaas ay sii yaraanaysay awoodda boqortooyada reer Aksum oo ku xirnayd Imratooriyaddii Ruum (Rome Empire) oo iyana ahayd quwadda kale ee loolanku ka dhexeeyey reer Furus ama Persia, waxaa garab socday in Islaamku ku fidayey dhulka Shaam. sanadkii 636 miilaadiga, Islaamku wuxuu gaaray Qudus illaa Dimishiq. Afar sano kadibna Masar waxay hoostagtay khilaafadii Islaamka ee ka dhisnayd Madiina.

Mar haddii Persianku riday boqortooyadii reer Aksum ee Yaman ka jirtay, Islaamkuna kala dhexgalay reer Aksum iyo Ruum taas oo keenatay in uu go’o xidhiidhkii iyo isu socodkii ka dhexeeyey Ruum(Rome Empire) iyo boqortooyadii Aksum ,jihada kaliya ee u furnayd boqortooyada Aksum waxay noqotay in ay u soo fiddo dhinaca koonfureed iyo dhulka Amxaarada.

Xilligaas ka hor xidhiidhka ka dhexeeyey Boqortooyadii Aksum iyo Islaamka wuxuu ahaa mid heerar kala duwan soo maray. Boqor Najaasha, boqorkii reer Aksum ee la kowsaday bilowgii Islaamka wuxuu Nabi Maxamed (NNK) uu ku tilmaamay in uu yahay boqor caaddil ah oo aan agtiisa cidna lagu dulmin. Waxaa magangalyo ka helay dhulka boqor Najaashe ilaa 40 saxaabi oo uu kamid ahaa Jacfar sida ay kutubta Siiradu qoraan oo kasoo cararay dhibkii kajiray Makka ee ay Qurayshtu ku haysay Muslimiinta.

Laakiin dhinaca kale markii xilli kaas ka danbeeyey uu xirmay marinkii reer Aksum ay u sii marijireen Imratooriyaddii Ruum, sidaan soo xusnay, waxay bilaabeen in ay samaystaan burcad badeed ay ugu talagaleen in ay ku carqaladeeyaan ganacsigii isaga dhexgooshi jirey Badda Cas oo markan ay maamulkeeda gacanta ku hayaan muslimiintu. Sanadkii 702 waxay Boqortooyada Aksum weerartay xeebta Jidda, waxaana xusan in ay mar qabsadeen dekedda Jidda oo aad ugu dhow Makka ( History of Ethiopia, A.H.M jones and E. Monroe. bogga.45). Falalkan ay sameeyeen burcad badeedda reer Aksum waxay sabab u noqotay in Muslimiintu ay yimaadaan xeebta badda Cas, dhinaca Africa ee ay maamulayeen boqortooyada Aksum. Waxay dhacdooyinkan intooda badani ku beegnaayeen xilligii khilaafada Umawiyiinta, gaar ahaan Waliid Ibn-Cabdulmalik Ibn-Marwaan ee bilowgii qarnigii 8aad jirtay. Waxay khilaafada Waliid soo afjartay burcad badeeddii reer Aksum.

II- Boqortooyada Amxaarada

Inta aynaan ugudagelin sida ay ugu soo wareegtay nidaamka boqortooyada Qoomiyadda Amxaarada, oo muddo 7 qarni ah oo ay soo jirtay (laga soobilaabo qarnigii 13aad, ilaa laga soo gaaro boqor Haile Selassie, 1974) uu soo socday khilaafka Soomaliweyn iyo Ethiopia (Intiisa badan), waxaan gaarnay qormadeenii hore xilli boqortooyada Aksum ay sii liicday kadib markii ay saamayn kuyeesheen jiritaankeeda dhawr waxyaabood oo lafdhabar u noqday bur-burkii kuyimid dhismaheedii xoogga badnaa.

  1. Islaamku wuxuu soo gaaray xeebaha Badda Cas dhinaca Africa, waxaana yaraaday miisaankii boqortooyada Aksum ay kulahayd xeebaha Badda Cas.

  2. Awooddeedii baahsanayd ee gaartay koonfurta carabta, gaar ahaan Yaman oo dhamaatay kadib markii Persia ama Furus ay qabsatay dhulkii ay reer Aksum joogeen.

  3. Dhibaato dhaqaale oo si ba’an u soo foodsaartay boqortooyada xarunteedii kadib markuu go’ay xidhiidhkii ay lalahaayeen caalamka, gaar ahaan Ruum (Rome Empire) oo ay u dhoofinjireen foolka maroodiga, hargaha, iyo dadka addoonta laga dhigto.

Intaas oo caqabadood markii ay wiiqeen boqortooyadii reer Aksum ee kudhawaad 10ka qarni soo jirtay, waxay markaan u jilbajabtay, xarumaheediina kusoo duulay qarnigii 9aad ciidan ay hogaaminayso haweenay boqorad ahayd oo kasooduushay dhul xarumihii Aksum kaga beegnaa galbeedka sida uu qoray qoraa carbeed oo lagu magacaabijirey Ibin-Hawqal. Boqorkii ugu danbeeyey reer Aksum, boqor Hadani waxaa goobtaas kudilay ciidankii ay hogaaminaysay Boqoraddii duullaanka ku timid.

Nidaamkii boqortooyada Ethiopia wuxuu ku wareegay qarnigii 10aad dad lagu magacaabi jirey Zagwa. Hadii aan dhexgalno taariikhda Zagwahan, waxaan ka habaabaynaa yoolkii aan ugu talagalnay in aan gaarno oo ahaa “Assalka Khilaafka Soomaaliweyn iyo Ethiopia.” Sidaas awgeed waxaan u tallaabaynaa bilowgii qarnigii 13aad ee aynu hordheceennii ku halqabsanay in uu ahaa bilowga is-hardiga Soomaaliweyn iyo Ethiopianka.

i. Boqor Yekunno Amlak

Sanadkii 1270kii, waxaa dhulka Ethiopia ka abuurmay boqortooyo ay hogaaminayso Qowmiyadda Amxaarada. Boqor Yekunno Amlak oo ahaa boqorkii ugu horeeyey ee boqortooyadan cusub abaabulay wuxuu ka takhalusay boqortooyadii Zagwaha. Durbaba waxay boqortooyadan cusub aas-aas kadhigatay si ay u kasbato shacbka Ethiopia, intii markaas Kiristanka ahaa, laba arimood oo marwalba taariikhda boqortooyada Ethiopia muhiim u ahaa. Ugu horaynba in nidaamkan cusub uu ku qotomo nidaamkii iyo diintii nabi Sulaymaan (NNK); boqor Yekunna Amlak qudhiisuna uu farac ahaan kasoojeedo durriyaddii nabi Sulaymaan iyo boqoraddii Saba,Balqiis (Boqoraddii Yaman). Durba awoodii boqortooyada Amxaaradu wuxuu ku baahay dhulka Ethiopia, waxayna taageera ballaaran ka heshay dhamman kaniisadihii Ethiopia kajiray xilligaas oo muddo u haraad qabay in ay dib usoo noqoto boqortooyo kudhisan waxyaabihii ay aaminsanaayeen.

Inkastoo ay boqortooyadan boqor Amlak ay ku guulaysatay kasbashada dad farabadan oo Ethiopian ah, hadana waxaa hortaagan oo aysan ka gudbi karin, haddii aysan xal u helin, isla caqabaddii boqortooyaddii Aksum soo waajahday oo ahayd “Islaamkii oo ka fadhiya marinkii caalamka ay u marilahayd, Badda Cas. Waxaa iyana caqabad kale ku noqotay sida ay ula xiriiri doonto kaniisaddii ay taariikh ahaan kaniisadaha Ethiopia kuxirnaayeen ee Alexandria oo markan ku hoosjirta Imaarada Muslimiinta ee Masar.

Labadaas arimood oo isbiirsaday waxay ku keentay boqor Yekunno Amlak in uu ku fekero in uu cilaaqaad dhow la yeesho dhulkii ay Islaamku maamulayeen sida Masar, Yaman iyo Saldanaddii Muslimiintu ay ku lahaayeen dhulka waqooyiga Ethiopia, laga bilaabo agagaarka gobolka Shawa illaa laga gaaro xeebta badda Cas, ee lagu magacaabi jiray IFAT. Sanadkii 1273kii, boqor Yakunno Amlak wuxuu warqado ukala diray labadii xaakim ee ka ariminayey Masar iyo Yaman; waxuuna ka dhaadhiciyey in boqortooyadiisu ay xiriir fiican laleedahay dadyawga muslimiinta ah ee ay dariska yihiin, isagoo xusay in xitaa ciidankiisa ay ku jiraan ciidan muslimiin ah oo fardoolay ah ( The Ethiopians, Pankhurst. Bogga. 76)

Boqortooyadan aan xusnay in ay boqorro kayihiin qowmiyadda Amxaarada waxay xarumaheeda u soowareejisay dhulka Shawa, waxayna garabka ku qabatay Saldanaddii Muslimiinta ee IFAT. Labadaan quwadood ee isdhinac yaal, kasakoow xidhiidhka ganacsi oo kadhexeeyey, waxaa misana kala dhexmaray dagaallo goos-goos ah oo hadba mid looga xoogroonaanayey. Labadooduba, si fiican ayay taariikhda Boqortooyadii Aksum uga dheregsanyihiin.

 

ii. Boqor Amada Tseyon ((1314-1344)

Waxaad intabadan aad ku arkaysaa buugaagta ay qoraayahanada qoraaladooda kugarab istaaga Ethiopia, waxna ka qora dhacdooyinkii taariikhiga ahaa ee soo maray Geeska Afrika, gaar ahaan Qarnigii 16aad oo caan ku ahaa dagaaladii dhexmaray Muslimiinta oo uu hormood u ahaa Imaam Axmed Ibin Ibrahim (Axmed Gurey) iyo boqortooyadii Ethiopia ee ay garwadeenada ka ahaayeen qowmiyadda Amxaarada, in Imaam Axmed uu ahaa dhiig-yacab dad iyo duunyaba ka idleeyey dhulka sare ee Ethiopia ee labada qowmiyadood ee Amxarada iyo Tigregu ay degenaayeen; iyo in uu ahaa isagu kan bilaabay duulaanka kusalaysan gardarada ee lagu ciribtirayey dad kirishtan ahaa oo kudhexnool badweyn muslimiin ah.

Waxay qoraayahanadani ay marwalba iska indha tirayeen xasuuqii, iyo barakicintii qarniyada socday ee uu nidaamkii boqortooyada Ethiopia kuhayey qowmiyadaha kale ee kunool Geeska Africa kahor inta aanuu iman duulaanka Imaam Axmed iyo qabaa’iladii Soomaalida ee ku garb istaagay sida ku cad buugga Tuxfatu-Alzamaan ama Futuux Al-Xabasha ee uu qoray qoraagii goobjoogga u ahaa dhacdooyinkaas ee lagu magacaabi jiray Shihaabudiin Ibin-Cabdulqaadir Al-Jiizaani. Waxay Qoraayahanadani mararka qaar ay kusheegaan boqorka nidaamkiisu uu gaysto xasuuqa iyo bililiqada ugu badan in u ahaa halyey diffaacay jiritaanka mustaqbalka Ethiopia.

Boqor Amada Tseyon (1314-1344), oo ay qowmiyadda Amxaaradu rumaysanyihiin in uu guulo ballaran ka gaaray dagaaladii ay kula jireen Immaaradihii Muslimiinta sida IFAT iyo ADAL bilowgii qarnigii 14aad, wuxuu dhinaca kale (Muslimiinta) ugu muuqday dhiigyacab xasuuq iyo boob ku hayey shucuub farabadan oo ku noolaa Geeska Afrika iyo hantidoodaba.

Boqor Amada Tseyon waxay xukunka boqortooyadiisu kusalaysnayd dhulballaarsi, illaa ay isaga iyo askartiisu isku khilaafeen ku adkaysashadiisii uu ku adkaystay in uu gaaro dhulkii Soomaalidu ay daganayd, sida Zaylac, kadib markii uu cagta soo mariyey dhul farabadan oo ay kunoolaayeen qowmiyadda Cafarta oo iyagu lafdhabar u ahaa nidaamkii IFAT ee kadhisnaa xeebaha Badda Cas illaa agagaarka dhulka Shawa oo ay maanta xaruntiisa ugu mihiimsan ay tahay Adisababa.

Xilliga uu boqorkan, Amada Tseyon, uu duullaanka kujiray, waxaa dhibaatooyinkii uu geystay ay inta badan kuwajahnaayeen dhulkii ay maamulaysay Imaarada IFAT ee aynu horay u soo sheegnay in uu ahaa dhulkii ay beecshiradu uga soo degeysay ugana dhoofaysay boqortooyada Ethiopia kadib heshiisyo ay horay u wada galeen labada maamul. Immaarada muslimiinta ee IFAT waxaa hogaamiye u ahaa Amiir Xaqu-diin oo larumaysanyahay in uu kasoojeedo qowmiyadda Cafarta ee maanta ku kalanool Ethiopia, Djibouti iyo qaybo kamid ah dhulka Eritrea.

Boqor Amada Tseyon oo laqabkiisu ama naanaystiisu ay ahayd “Gebra Maskal” oo micnaheedu yahay “Addoonkii Iskutilaabta”, (Slave of the Cross), wuxuu duulaan ballaran uu ku bixiyey Imaaraddii IFAT, waxayna ciidankiisu qabsadeen xarumihii Imaarada, waxayna goobtaas ku dileen Amiir Xaqu-diin. Dhacdadaas kadib, waxaa dib u abaabulay ciidamadii IFAT wiilkii uu dhalay Xaqu-diin oo la oranjiray Darader, laakiin ciidamadiisii waxaa iyana ku dhacay jab lamid ah kii ciidamadii Xaqu-diin uu kala kulmay ciidanka Boqor Tseyon, taas oo isana markiisa, Darader, lagu dilay dagaaladaas.

Wixii ka haray Imaaradii IFAT iyo ciidankeedii waxaa dib usoo abaabulay, hogaamiyena u noqday sanadkii 1332kii Amiir Xaqqu-diin walaalkiis oo lagu magacaabijiray Sabru-diin. Boqor Amada Tseyon oo dareemay in uu markan ka awoodroonaaday, kalana firdhiyey Imaaradii IFAT, wuxuu kusoo bixiyey Amiirka cusub ciidan aad u ballaaran kaas oo gebi ahaanba lawareegay Imaaradii IFAT dhulkii ay ka talinaysay oo dhan iyo xarumaheedii. Ciidanka Amada Tseyon waxay halkaas ka geysteen xasuuq ba’an oo uu Boqorkuna si aad ah ugu riyaaqay sida qoraalkan hoose ka muuqda:

“Ciidamada Amada Tseyon waxay soo galeen xarumihii Sabru-diin, waxayna boobeen wax alla wixii ay hanti ka heleen sida Dahabka, Qalinka , dharka iyo dhagaxaanta qaaliga ah; waxayna dileen ragbadan, haween badan, dad waayeel ah, iyo caruur…. Boqor Amada Tseyon wuxuu aad ugu farxay warkan, wuxuuna u mahad celiyey ilaahay.” ( The Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, by Richard Pankhurst, Bogga: 17, Sadarada 7-12 iyo sadarka 25. Published by Oxford University Press in 1967)

Qabsashadii 1aad ee Zaylac (1403)

iii. Boqor Safya Arad, Wudem Asfare, iyo Dawit I (1344-1411)

Inta aynaan hangoolkeena taariikhda ku soo qaban boqorradan sadexda ah, waxaa lagama maarmaan ah in aan gunaanadno taariikhda boqor Amada Tseyon.

Boqor Amada Tseyon kolkii uu qabsaday dhulkii ay ka talinaysay saldanaddii Muslimiinta ee IFAT, wuxuu gacanyare u maamula u doortay Amiir Sabru-diin walaalkiis, Jamaalu-diin. Wuxuu u bixiyey “Boqorka Muslimiinta oo dhan.”

Wixii wakhtigaas ka danbeeyey, wuxuu Boqor Amada Tseyon duulaankiisa u soo wareejiyey Saldanaddii Adal ama Zaylac ee ku baahsanayd inta u dhaxeeysey bariga gobolka Shewa illa xeebta Zaylac. Boqorku, Amada, wuxuu ballan ku qaaday in uusan dagaalka joojinayn illaa uu gebi ahaanba cagta mariyo Adal.

Amiir Jamaalu-diin, oo u adkaysan waayey dhibaatada boqor Amada Tseyon uu ku hayey shucuubta Muslimiinta, wuxuu ka codsaday boqorka in uu guud ahaanba ciidankiisa kala baxo dhulkii uu qabsaday, kuna celiyo dhulkii ay ka yimaadeen, isla mar ahaantaasna uu joojiyo duulaanka uu ku hayo Imaarada Zaylac.

Amada Tseyon ma siin wax ahmiyad ah talada uu Amiir Jamaalu-diin u soo jeediyey, wuxuuna sii waday colaadii uu ku hayey dhulkii muslimiinta intii markaas gacantiisa ku jirtay iyo Adal oo uu ku hanweynaa in uu mar uun ka takhalusi doono.

Waxaan kaga baxaynaa taariikhda boqor Amada Tseyon qoraal kooban oo uu qoray qoraa carbeed oo lagu magacaabi jiray Ibn Fadlallah Al-Cumari, kaas oo sifaynaya habdhaqankii boqorka Ethiopia, Amada Tseyon:

“Marka mid kamid ah boqorada Muslimiinta ee hoosjoogay boqor Amada Tseyon uu geeriyoodo, ayna jiraan wiilal uu dhalay boqorka geeriyooday, wuxuu mid walba (wiilashiisu) isku dayi jiray in uu helo boqor Amada Tseyon kalsoonidiisa; maxaa yeelay Boqorka (Amada) ayaa ah kan dooranaya wiilka xukunka qabanaya” (ee dhaxlaya aabihiis) ( The Ethiopians by Pankhurst. bogga: 75 published by Blackwell)

Markuu geeriyooday boqor Amada Tseyon, waxaa halgankiisii iyo hammigiisii ku dhisnaa in uu mar’uun hanan doono dhulka imaarada Adal ama Zaylac sii waday wiilkiisii ka dhaxlay taajka boqortooyada, Safya Arad.

Boqor Safya Arad (1344-1372), oo naanaystiisu ahayd “Nawaya Kristos” (Vessel of Mary) wuxuu talada boqortooyada hayey muddo 28 sanadood ah. Wuxuu ahaa sida taariikhda ku sugan siyaasi ruug cadaa ah. Wuxuuna inta badan u isticmaalay dhulka Muslimiinta siyaasad ku dhisan “Qaybi oo xukun” taas oo u suurto gelisay in uusan inta badan adeegsan awood ciidan.

Safya Arad kolkii uu geeriyooday waxaa kala wareegay kursiga boqortooyada wiilkiisii Wudem Asfare (1372-1382)

Waxaa isna sida caadada boqortooyada Amxaaradu ay ku dhisnayd uu la baxay naanays “Newaya Mariam” ( Vessel of Mary) wuxuuna 10kii sano ee uu xukunka hayey dagaal kula jiray imaarada Adal inkastoo uusan ku guulaysan in uu Zaylac qabsado.

Markuu isna geeriyooday boqor Wudem Asfare, waxaa isna dhaxalka boqortooyada la wareegay walaalkiis, boqor Dawit I (1382-1411) oo ahaa wiilkii labaad ee boqor Safya Arad. Boqor Dawit I wuxuu ku guulaystay in uu jiiro ciidankii Muslimiinta Adal oo markan uu hormuud u ahaa Amiir Sacdu-diin; wuxuuna dagaal kharaar oo labada ciidan dhexmaray kadib boqor Dawit I ku dilay Amiirkii Zaylac, Sacdu-diin.

Sandkii 1403, waxaa boqor Dawit I u suurto gashay qabsashada dekedda Zaylac oo halbowle u ahayd imaaraddii Adal. Waxay ciidanka boqor Dawit I Zaylac ka gaysteen xasuuq iyo bililiqo lamid ah tii awowgiis, boqor Amada Tseyon uu ka geystay xarumihii IFAT 50 sano ka hor.

IV. Boqor Zara Yakob (1434-1468)

Inta aynan dhex gelin taariikhda boqorkan, Zara Yakob, oo ka mid ahaa boqorradii ugu muhiimsanaa ee soo maray taariikhda Ethiopia, waxaa haboon in aan si kooban u xusno inta boqor ee xukunka boqortooyada Ethiopia iska dhaxlay mudadii u dhaxaysay boqor Amada Tseyon (1314-1344) iyo boqor Zara Yakob (1434-1468) oo qormadeena maanta aan si kooban uga hadli doono.

Boqradan intooda badan kagama aynaan soo hadlin qormooyinkeenii hore, maxaa yeelay in badan oo iyaga ahi kuma negaan kursiga boqortooyada muddo dheer, mana lahayn miisaan hogaamineed oo lamid ah midka boqorrada aan qormooyinkeena kuxusnay ama aan ku xusidoonno; sidaas darteed waxaan muujinaynaa oo kaliya magaca boqorka iyo taariikhda uu soo hayey xukunka boqortooyada Ethiopia:

Amada Tseyon……….. (1314-1344)

Safya Arad……………….(1344-1372)

Wudem Asfare.............. (1372-1382)

Dawit I........................ (1382-1411)

Tewodros I………………. (1413-1414)

Yesak…………………….. (1414-1429)

Endreyas…………………. (1429-1430)

Takla Maryam……………. (1430-1433)

Sarwa Iyasus……………. ( 1433)

Amada Iyasus…………… (1433-1434)

Zara Yakob……………… (1434-1468)

Boqor Zara Yakob (1434-1468) oo ah wiilkii ugu yaraa ee boqor Dawit I-kii aynu soo sheegnay in uu ahaa boqorkii reer Ethiopia ee sanadkii 1403 qabsaday Zaylac, waxaa lagu tilmaamaa in uu ahaa boqor kali-taliye ahaa. Wuxuu xilka boqortooyada hayey muddo 34 sano ah.

Waxyaabaha sida aadka ah loogu xasuusto boqorkan waxaa ugu muhiimsan dilkii uu dilay afadiisii, Seyon Mogasa, oo uu ku eedeeyey in ay maleegaysay shirqool ka dhan ah boqorka Ethiopia, boqor Zara Yakob.

Boqor Zara Yakob wuxuu yaraantiisii qaybo kamid ah tacliinta diinta Kirishtanka ku soo qaatay Aksum, kadibna wuxuu ku xarooday xarun si gaar ah loogu barto ku takhasuska diinta kirishtanka oo ku taalay Shire, laguna magacaabi jiray Debra Abbay.

Sida caadada boqorrada reer Ethiopia ay ahayd, boqor Zara Yakob wuxuu isna markiisa la baxay naanaysta ” Kwestantinos” ama Constantine oo uu malaha uu ku ixtiraamayey boqorkii Ruum, Constantine Emperor, 285-337

Boqor Zara Yakob wuxuu door muhiim ah ka qaatay, mudadii uu xukunka hayey, xoojinta ku dhaqanka diinta Kirishtanka . Wuxuu xukunka boqortooyada Ethiopia u fidiyey Koonfurta iyo bariga. Wuxuu amar ku bixiyey in qofkasta oo Ethiopian ahi uu madaxa ku xirto calaamad muujinaysa in uu yahay qof haysta diinta Kirishtanka, isilamar-ahaantaasna u dhaar la galo (bayco) boqortooyada.

Boqor Zara Yakob wuxuu caasimadda boqortooyada Ethiopia u wareejiyey waqooyiga Shawa, wuxuuna xarun kadhigtay Debra Birhan oo ahaa qasri aad u qurux badan. Wakhtigaas Muslimiinta reer Adal ama Zaylac waxay gacanta ku hayeen ganacsigii u dhexeeyey Zaylac oo ahayd dekked muhiim ah iyo dhulkii kale ee Muslimiinta sida, Ifat, Fatigar, Dawaro iyo Bale.

Sidaan horay u soo xusnay boqor kasta oo reer Ethiopia ah wuxuu awwoodda saari jiray marwalba sidii uu marin-badeed u heli lahaa; sidaas darteed boqor Zara Yaqub wuxuu culayska saaray xeebaha Eritrea oo kamid ahaa dhulkii Muslimiinta, islamarkaasna aad ugu dhawaa gobolka Tigray. Sanadihii 1448-1449kii wuxuu abaabulay ciidan, wuxuuna isugu geeyey dhulka Eritrea, kadibna wuxuu ku weeraray Musawac iyo Jasiiradihii Dahlak.

Dhanka kale, Zara Yakub, wuxuu duulaan ku qaaday Amiir Axmed Badley Sa’du-diin oo wakhtiyadaas u talinayey Saldanaddii Zaylac ama Adal oo ahayd imaarada muslimiinta ee xilliyadaas ugu awwoodda roonayd. Warka dagaaladan uu Boqor Zara Yaqub kawaday dhulka Muslimiinta wuxuu gaaray qaaradda Yurub, wuxuuna aad u farxad geliyey maamuladii iyo boqortooyadii ka dhisnayd dhulka Yurub oo ku fakaray in ciidanka Ethiopia uu yahay ciidanka jabin kara Muslimiintii Masar, Sham, iyo Jaziiradda Carabta oo dhan.

Sidoo kale boqor Zara Yakub iyo maamulkii ka dhisnaa Masar waxaa dhexmaray khilaaf aad u xooggan, kaas oo keenay in boqor Zara Yakub uu ku hanjabo in uu leexsan doono biyaha wabiga Nile. Sida dadka ku xeel dheer taariikhda Ethiopia ay xusaan, Boqorka Ethiopia, Zara Yakob, wuxuu aad uga carooday warar sheegayey in kaniisad kutaal Masar ay maamulka muslimiintu burburiyeen.

V. Boqor Ba’eda Maryam iyo Boqorad Elena

Inta aynaan isha marin taariikhda boqor Ba’eda iyo boqoradda Elena, waxaa xusuusin mudan in taariikhda Immaam Axmed iyo dagaaladii baaxadda laha ee uu la galay boqortooyada Ethiopia (gaar ahaan Boqor Lebna Dengal, wiilkiisii Galadious, iyo boqortooyadii Portugueseka ee gurmadka u fidisay) ay ina soo hayso oo aan taxanahan qaybo badan oo kamid ah si faahfaahsan uga hadli doonno; sidaas darteed, waxaan jeclaystay in aynaan ku degdegin bilowga taariikhda Imaam Axmed illaa aan halkeeda ugu tagayno.

Boqor Ba’eda Maryam (1468-1478)

Waxaan horay uga soo warbixinay, qormadeenii tan ka horaysay, ciqaabtii boqor Zara Yakob uu ku qaaday xaaskiisii, Seyon Mogasa, kadib kolkuu ku eedeeyey in ay mu’aamarad ka dhan ah boqor Zara Yakob, oo ay ku doonaysay in ay xukunka kaga wareejiso, ay faraha la gashay. Seyon Mogasa, waxay ahayd boqor Ba’eda Maryam hooyadiis, sidaas darteed, arintan waxay Ba’eda Maryam ku keentay, yaraantiisii, cabsi aad u badan oo uu ka qabay in uu aabihiis, Zara Yakob, marin doono ciqaab lamid ah tan uu hooyadiis mariyey.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Boqor Zara Yakob wax ciqaab ah ma marin wiilkiisa, wuxuuna u diyaariyey in uu ka dhaxlo taajka boqortooyada Ethiopia. Sidaas ayuuna boqor Ba’eda Maryam kula wareegay maamulka boqortooyadii Amxaarada sanadkii 1468kii kadib kolkii aabihiis u geeriyooday xannuun muddo hayey.

Waxyaabaha sida gaarka ah loogu xasuusto boqor Ba’eda Maryam (the hand of Mary) ama gacantii Maryam oo lagu magacaabi jiray Dawit, waxaa kamid ah dhisitaankii kaniisaddii sida weyn caanka u ahayd ee “Atronsa Maryam” sidoo kale wuxuu amar ku bixiyey in lafihii boqorradan dhawrka ah: Yakuna Amlak (1270-1285), Neway Maryam (1372-1382), iyo Tewodros (1413-1414) lagu aaso Kaniisadda Atronsa Maryam.

Dadka ree Ethiopia ee xukunka boqor Ba’eda Maryam ku hoos noolaa waxay ku xamanjireen in uu wakhtigiisa inta badan uu ku lumiyo fardafuulka oo uu aad u jeclaa. Boqorku, Ba’eda, wuxuu markii danbe ku dooday in fardafuulkiisan faraha badani uu yahay mid caada ahaan kasoo jeedda Boqortooyada Ethiopia uuna ka dhaxlay boqorraddii hore ee isaga xukunka kaga horeeyey.

Boqor Ba’eda Maryam waxaa sidoo kale lagu tilmaamaa in uu ku dhiiri geliyey dadka reer Ethiopia in ay waxbeerashada xoogga saaraan, gaar ahaan liinta, sonkorta, canabka iyo geedmiroodyo kale oo farabadan.

Boqorad Elena

Boqoraddan, Elena, waxay kamid ahayd xaasaskii boqor Zara Yakob. Waxay ahayd inan uu dhalay boqorkii Muslimiinta reer Dawaro ee iyagu markii danbe qaatay diinta Kirishtanka kadib kolkii dhulkooda uu hoostagay boqortooyada Ethiopia.

Haweenaydan waxay si kumeelgaar ah taajka boqortooyada Ethiopia ugu haysay boqor Lebna Dengel oo isaga oo 7 sano jir ah aabihiis, boqor Na’od, lagu dilay dagaal dhexmaray boqortyooyada Ethiopia iyo xoogaggii Muslimiinta reer Zaylac ama Adal.

Dadka taariikhda boqortooyada Ethiopia wax ka qora waxay ku tilmaamaan boqorad Elena in ay ahayd haweenay caqligu aad ugu maaxay. Waxay durbaba xidhiidh la samaysay Suldaan Maxamed Azir oo muddo ka badan 30 sano (1488-1518) katalinayey saldanaddii Muslimiinta ee Adal. Waxay sidoo kale xidhiidh la samaysay dawladdii Portugueseka iyadoo markaas dareemaysay in boqortooyada Ethiopia ay ku soo fool-leedahay khatar ballaaran oo kaga imaanaysay dhinaca bari, gaar ahaan saldanaddii Zaylac.

Boqorad Elena waxay wafti ahaan ugu dirtay dawladdii Portigueska nin Armenian ah oo lagu magacaabi jiray Mateus. Waxaana sanadku markuu ahaa 1514kii uu boqorkii Bortaqiisku, Manuel I uu ku qaabilay Lisbon, oo ahayd xaruntii Bortaqiiska, waftigii boqoradda Ethiopia. Wakhtigaas, waxay Boortagiisku dano muhiim ah ka lahaayeen India, waxayna aad u soo dhaweeyeen aragtida boqorad Elena.

Sanadkii 1520kii, oo ku beegnayd xilliyadii uu taajka boqortooyada Ethiopia uu hayey boqor Lebna Dengel, waxaa soo gaaray xeebta Musawac markab siday wafti Portiguesku u soo diray boqortooyada Ethiopia. Waxaana waftiga madax u ahaa Duarte Galvao oo ahaa safiirkii dawladda Portiguesku u soo magacawday Ethiopia, si taageero ballaran loogu fidiyo boqortooyada Erhiopia, loogana taakuleeyo sidii ay uga guulaysanlahayd Saldanaddii Muslimiinta ee Zaylac.

Cutubka 2aad

Dagaalkii Diimeed ee Imaam Axmed Ibrahim (Gurey)

Inta aynaan u guda gelin faahfaahinta dagaalkii Diimeed ee dhexmaray ciidankii Muslimiinta reer Awdal ee uu hogaaminayey Imaam Axmed Ibrahim (Gurey) iyo labadii Boqor ee isdhalay, Boqor Gelowdewos iyo aabihiis Boqor Lebna Dengel oo horjoogay ciidamadii huwwanta ahaa ee ka koobnaa Ethiopianka iyo Portugesekii gurmadka ugu yimid, waxaa ila haboonaatay in aan qiimayn ku samaynno sida uu ahaa xaalka labada dhinac ka hor inta aysan iman duufaantii liqday Ethiopia guud ahaan ee dhankooda Muslimiintii reer Zaylac ay ku magacaabeen Furashadii Xabasha.

Boqor Lebne Dengel (Wanag Sagad) (1508-1540)

Waxaan horay usoo taabanay in boqorkan nasiibka daran ee Lebne Dengel uu ku soo koray agoonimo kadib kolkii aabihiis boqor Na’od lagu dilay dagaal uu la galay muslimiintii reer Awdal, iyo sidii boqorad Elena ay mudada ugu haysay kursiga boqortooyada intii uu ka gaarayay xilli uu ku hanan karay majaharaha looga arimiyo boqortooyada Ethiopia.

Boqor Lebne Dengel waxay boqortooyadiisu ku soo beegantay xilli dhinicii xilliftanka siyaasadeed, diimeed, dhaqaale iyo milateriba uu kala dhexeeyey ee reer Awdal uu hoggaanka u qabtay shakhsi kulansaday dhammaan sifaadka hogaamineed ee looga baahanaa hogaamiye umadeed, xilli shacabkiisu ay joogaan wakhtigii ay ugu baahida badnaayeen helitaankiisa, Imaam Axmed Ibraahim, Gurey (Allah ha u naxariisto)

Boqor Lebne Dengel oo lagu naanaysi jiray, (Incense of Virgin) ama Cuudkii Maryan, sida macnaha labada eray ka muuqata, wuxuu boqor ka ahaa dhulka Ethiopia muddo 32 sano ah oo inbadan oo kamid ah uu ku jiray dhuumaalaysi iyo qax isdaba joog ah oo uu naftiisa ku badbaadinayey kadib markii ay horeeyeen ciidankii Imaamku, ugana yimaadeen jiha kasta dhulka Ethiopia, buuro iyo bannaanba.

Dadka iyagu sida gaarka ah wax uga qora taariikhda Geeska Africa, gaar ahaan tan Ethiopia, waxay isku raaceen in xilligii uu taajka boqortooyada Ethiopia uu hayey boqor Lebne Dengel uu ahaa xilligii ugu xumaa ee soo mara taariikhda Ethiopia intii ay jirtay. Xilligii uu han-jabka ugu ballaaran uu ku yimid boqortooyo ku gabowday, kuna gaamurtay habmaamul ku dhisan “Qaybi oo xukun.”

Wakhtiga Boqorkan, Lebne Dengel, uu talada hayey waxay ku soo aaday wakhti aad ugu adag dadkii ahaa Kirishtanka reer Ethiopia, taas oo keentay in awwoodoodii mudada 400 oo sano ka badan ka jirtay dhulka sare ee Ethiopia, kuna baahsanayd koonfurta iyo bariga Shawa, illaa xeebta badda Cas, ay ku wiiqantay wax kayar 15 sano oo uu Imaam Axmed dagaal kula jiray.

Xilligaas u darnaa boqortooyadii reer Ethiopia, Muslimiintii reer Awdal, oo ay qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu kulahaayeen door shariif ah, waxay ku durduriyeen gebi ahaanba dhulka sare ee Ethiopia. Waxay dadka wax ka qoray dhacdooyinkaas diimeed ku sheegeen qoraaladii ay ka qoreen, in 10kii qof oo kamid ah dadkii kirishtanka ahaa ee reer Ethiopia ay 9 kamid ah muslimeen. Mudadaas dhowr iyo tobanka sano ah ee uu Imaam Axmed dagaalka la galay boqor Lebne Dengel, boqortooyada Ethiopia waxay ahayd guud ahaan mid hawl-gab ah, dhulkeeduna uu hoos tagay imaaraddii beri ay kor ka maamuli jireen ee Adal.

Wixii ka danbeeyey boqortooyadii Zara Yakob, gaar ahaan Boqor Ba’eda Maryam, awwooda dhaqaale, ciidan iyo maamul ee labadan kooxood ee isdhinac yiilay wuxuu ahaa mid si tartiib tartiib ah isu daba marayey; awwoodda ciidan iyo maamul ee boqortooyada Ethiopia waxay ahayd mid aad hoos ugu dhacday, halka tan saldanaddii muslimiinta reer Zaylac ay ahayd mid isasoo taraysay.

Dilkii boqor Na’od ay Muslimiintii reer Adal ku dileen, dagaal ay isga horyimaadeen ciidanka boqorka Ethiopia, waxay ahayd dhacdo taariikhi ah oo dhinaca kale u wareejisay waxyaabihii ay labada saldanadood midba midka kale ka aaminsanayd. Waxay ahayd dabcan bilowga soo kicitaanka awoodda Muslimiintii reer Adal; waxay sidoo kale ku ahayd dhinaca kale yaqiinsi ay yaqiinsadaan in uu u bilowday waa ka duwan waayadii talada boqortooyada ay hayeen boqor Amada Tseyon iyo Zara Yakob. Dhacdadan waxay baraarujisay dadkii reer IFAT ee mudada dheer ku hoos jiray xukunkii ay iska dhaxlayeen boqoradii Amxaarada.

Waxyaabaha ay sababta uga dhigeen hoos u dhaca ku yimid awwooddii boqortooyadii Kirishtanka ahayd dadka sida gaarka ah wax uga qoray taariikhda Ethiopia waxaa kamid ahaa hayyaankii qowmiyadda Oromadu ay ka soo hayyaantay dhulkii koonfurta ka xigay boqortooyada Ethiopia, iyagoo usoo guuray dhulkii ay maamulaysay boqortooyadu oo uu kamid ahaa dhulka Shoa, kadibna harqiyey, iyadoo dadkaas badankoodu ay qaateen diinta Islaamka. Laakiin, waxaan meesha ka marnayn in ay keeni karto hoos u dhacaas wiiqay hannankii maamul iyo ciidan ee boqortooyadii Kirishtankii Ethiopia culayskii qarniyada soo socday ee ay ku hayeen shucuubtii ku hoos noolayd xukunkooda, gaar ahaan saldanadihii muslimiinta reer IFAT, Zaylac, Dawaro, iyo fatigar, kuwaas oo si tartiib tartiib ah isga wareejiyey culayskaas iyo cadaadiskaas kaga imaanayey boqortooyada Ethiopia.

Zaylac oo Portuguese-ku gubey

Muslimiinta reer Adal Imaam Axmed ka hor.

Wax yar ka hor intii aanu Imaam Axmed la wareegin hogaanka Diimeed, Siyaasadeed, iyo Milateri ee saldanaddii Muslimiinta reer Zaylac, waxaa muslimiinta harqiyey khilaafaad muddo socday oo ku salaysnaa isfahan la’aan ka dhexjirtey Amiirradii horay talada u hayn jirey, oo iyagu asal ahaan kasoo jeeday saldanaddii burburtay ee IFAT, iyo Amiiro cusub oo doonayey in wax laga badalo qaabkii loo maamulayey saldanadda.

Labadan quwadood oo mabda’ ahaan aad u kala fogaa, waxay isku khilaafsanaayeen dhawr arimood oo ay ugu muhiimsanayd: iyadoo jiilkan Amiirada cusub uu aaminsanaa in la gaaray wakhtigii lala xisaabtami lahaa boqortooyada Ethiopia ee mudada dheer cadaadiska ku haysay dhulka iyo dadka muslimiinta reer Adal iyo in gabi ahaanba saldanadda Adal ay noqoto mid aayaheeda iyo mustaqbalkeedaba ay go’aamiyaan dadkeedu; kooxdan waxaa hormuud u ahaa Amiir Maxfuud, Amiirkii Harar.

Dhinaca kale oo uu hogaaminayey Suldaan Maxamed Azar Abubakar Sacdudiin, amiirkii guud ee reer Adal, waxay qabeen in lala shaqeeyo Boqortooyada Ethiopia, lana ilaaliyo heshiisyadii ay horay u wada gaareen labada dhinac, taas oo kooxda kale ay u arkaysay mid saldanadda reer Zaylac ay ku dulmanayd.

Xilliyadii u horeeyey ee talada boqortooyada Ethiopia uu qabtay boqor Lebne Dengel, waxay dagaal isaga hor yimaadeen ciidankii Amiirka Harar, Amiir Maxfuuz. Wakhtigaas waxaa imaarada Muslimiinta xarun u ahayd magaalada Dakar oo qiyaastii waqooyi bari kaga toosan Harar. Dagaalkaas dhexmaray ciidanka Amiir Maxfuuz iyo kuwa boqor Lebne Dengel, waxaa ku dhintay dad badan oo ka tirsanaa ciidanka Amiirka, waxaana ciidanka boqor Lebne Dengel uu dagaalkaas ku gubay mid kamid ah qasriyadii Suldaan Maxamed Azir ee ku yiilay halkii lagu diriray.

Wakhtigaas uu dagaalku dhexmarayey labada ciidan oo ku beegnaa sanadkii 1516kii, ciidanka badda ee Portuguesaku, oo aan horay u soo sheegnay in xidhiidh dublamaasi iyo mid milateriba ay la lahaayeen boqortooyada Ethiopia, waxay dhabar jabin ku sameeyeen ciidankii reer Adal, waxayna gubeen Zaylac. ( Layers of Time by Paul B. Henze, bogga: 85, Published by St. Martins Press in 2000)

Suldaan Maxamed Azir Abubakar Sacdudiin, Suldaankii Muslimiinta reer Zaylac ama Adal, wuxuu aaminsanaa in aan dagaal lala gelin boqortooyada Ethiopia, wuxuuna ka leexday jidkii muslimiinta reer Adal ay ka doonayeen in uu ku maamulo oo ahaa shareecada Islaamka. Sida uu ku qoray Shihaabudiin buugga Futuux Al-xabasha, Suldaanka waxaa dilay seedigiis oo ahaa Maxamed Abubakar Maxfuuz. Wixii ka danbeeyey dilka Suldaan Maxamed, waxaa soo maray saldanaddii Adal dilal isdaba joog ah oo hadba amiirkii talada qabta isagana markiisa la khaarajinayey.

Amiirradii ugu muhiimsanaa ee majaraha u qabtay saldanada Adal waxaa kamid ahaa Garaad Abwan (1522-1529). Mudadii gaabnayd ee uu Garaad Abwan talada hayey wuxuu reer Adal ku maamulay caddaalad iyo sinaan, wuxuuna la dagaalamay burcaddii dadka wadooyinka u fariisan jirey, si ay iyaga iyo hantidoodaba u waxyeeleeyaan; wuxuuna door fiican ka qaatay horumarinta waxbarashada sida uu Shihaabudiin buugiisa ku xusay.

Imaam Axmed Ibraahim (Gureey)

Sidaan horay u soo xusnay wixii ka danbeeyey dilkii Suldaan Maxamed Azir, suldaankii guud ee Muslimiinta reer Adal, waxa soo food saaratay Saldanadda khilaafaad aad u ba’an oo degenaansho la’aan iyo qalalaasaba ku abuuray nidaamkoodii dawladnimo.

Waxaa muddo laba sono gudohood ah soo maray illaa 5 amiir oo mid walba si dhakhso ah looga wareejinayey xukunka kadib dagaallo dhiig badani uu ku daatay. Waxaa hoggaanka u qabtay sidii aan horay usoo magacawnayba Garaad Abwan, oo ahaa nin aad ugu dheggan shareecada Islaamka. Imaam Axmed Gureyna wakhtigaas wuxuu ka mid ahaa ciidankii Garaad Abwan, wuxuuna caan ku ahaa geesinimo, karti iyo indheer-garadnimo uu ku kasbaday kalsoonida Garaadka iyo bulshadii uu ku dhex noolaa intaba.

Garaad Abwan waxaa isagana markiisa loo dilay khilaafkii ku salaysanaa awoodda maamulka Imaarada, waxaana xukunka kala wareegay Abubakar Maxamed Azir…Sacdu-diin oo ahaa wiilkii uu dhalay Suldaan Maxamed Azir.

Wixii ka danbeeyey dilkii Garaad Abwan, Imaam Axmed iyo Suldaankii reer Adal waxaa soo kala dhex galay isfahan la’aan, markii danbe sababtay in uu dhexmaro gacan ka hadal ku dhamaaday dilkii Suldaan Abubakar.

Inkastoo waxyaabaha sida aadka ah looga xasusto suldaan Abubakar ay ka mid ahayd usoo raritaankii uu caasimaddii muslimiinta reer Adal uu u soo raray Harar, hadana waxayaabaha dhanka kale lagu dhaliilo waxaa kamid ah, in uu wax ka qabanwaayey ammaankii imaarada oo faraha ka baxay. Waxaa mar kale soo noqday wakhtigiisii burcaddii jidadka u fariisan jirtay dadka socotada ah, si ay iyaga iyo hantidoodaba dhib ugu geystaan.

Waxaa sidoo kale hoos u dhacay rajadii muslimiinta reer Adal ay ka qabeen in loolan dhab ah uu dhex mari karo iyaga iyo Boqortooyadii galbeedka ka xigtay ee Kirishtanka Ethiopia. Muslimiinta reer Adal oo iyagu kaga wanaagsanaa boqortooyada Xabshida dhinaca xidhiidhka dibadda, gaar ahaan kan ganacsi ee ay la lahaayeen koonfurta Jasiiradda Carabta, wuxuu ku guul daraystay Suldaan Abubakar in uu kaga faa’iidaysto, culaysna ku saaro Boqortooyada Xabashida oo si aan kala go’ lahayn u isticmaali jiratay khadadkii ganacsi ee dhulka sare ee Ethiopia ku xirayey dekeddii Zaylac iyo Gacanka Cadan.

Waxaa sidoo kale halkoodii ka sii socday duulaankii boqortooyada Ethiopia ay ku haysay dhulkii ay maamulysay Imaarada Zaylac; inkastoo uusan ahayn duulaankani mid khatar badan ku hayey jiritaanka Imaarada, hadana waxay dhibaato aan yarayn ku haysay dadkii muslimiinta ahaa ee ku teedsanaa dhulkii xadka la lahaa boqortooyada Ethiopia oo mar walba iyaga uu saamayn ku reebayey dagaalada ay ku soo qaadaan ciidanka boqor Lebne Dengel.

Muslimiinta reer Zaylac, laga bilaabo wabiga Hawaash illaa laga gaaro Gacanka Cadan iyo xaruntoodii ganacsiga ee Zaylac, waxaa mar qura soo food saartay khatar ballaaran. Nidaamkii maamul ee Imaaradu wuxuu halis ugu jiray in uu gebi ahaanba burburo.

Musuqmaasuq iyo maamul xumo ku baahday dhammaan xarumihii looga arrimin jirey saldanadda, ammaankii iyo kala danbayntii oo faraha ka sii baxay, iyo duullaankii isadaba joogga ahaa ee boqortooyada Ethiopia oo halkiisii ka sii socday, intuba waxay sabab u noqdeen in uu yimaado kacdoon shacbi oo uu hogaaminayo Imaam Axmed Ibraahim Gurey.

Yaraantiisii Imaam Axmed wuxuu ku soo barbaaray dhul qiyaastii koonfurta kaga toosan Harar. Waxaan shaki ku jirin in uu qawmiyad ahaan ka soo jeedo Soomaalida, sida uu Professor Maxamud Brelvi uu ku xusay buuggiisa “Islam in Africa” oo lagu daabacay Lahore, Pakistan sannadkii 1964kii. Qowmiyadda Oromada oo iyagu ku dooda in Imaamku uu dhankooda ka soo jeedo ayaa la rumaysanyahay in ay agagaarka Harar soo gaareen qiyaastii xilligii Amiir Nuur Amiirka ka ahaa Harar.

Qabaa’ilka Soomaalida ee loo tiirin karo Imaam Axmed waxaa kamid ah: Geri-ga, Marreexaan-ka, Habar Magaadle-ha, oo ah qaybo kamid ah reerka Isaaqa. Sida ka muuqata buugga Futux Al-Xabasha waxay sadexdaas qoys ku tabaruceen inta badan ciidankii iyo fardihii ka yimid qowmiyadda Soomaalida ee uu Imaam Axmed uu ku weeraray boqortooyada Xabashida. Sidoo kale qabaa’ilka Harti-ga, oo iyagu ka yimid Maydh, Hawiye-ha, Xarla-ha, Jaraan-ta iyo Yibra-ha ayaa iyaguna ka mid ahaa qabaa’ilkii Soomaalida ee Imaam Axmed gacanta ku siiyey duulaankiisa.

Imaam Axmed Gurey markii uu dareemay halsita ku soo wajahan imaarada Zaylac, wuxuu gooni ula baxay ciidan u badnaa ciidankii Garaad Abwan, waxayna amiir u doorteen Garad Cumar Maxamed Azir, oo ahaa suldaan Abubakar walaalkiis. Khilaafkii Imaam Axmed iyo suldaan Abubakar wuxuu gaaray halkii ugu saraysay. Wakhtigaas ciidanka ugu badan ee Suldaan Abubakar waxay kasoo jeedeen qowmiyadda Soomaalida qabaa’il ka tirsan sida ku xusan buugaagta taariikhda.

Boqor Lebne Dengel, boqorkii Xabshida, oo ka faa’iidaysanayey khilaafkii ka dhex aloosnaa imaarada Zaylac, wuxuu sannadkii 1527kii amray Fanuel, oo ka soo jeeday Kirishtankii reer Dawaaro, in uu weerar ku kiciyo reer Harar. Fanuel iyo ciidankiisu waxay weerarkooda ku ekeeyeen goob u dhow goobihii uu Imaam Axmed Gurey kula sugnaa ciidankii uu kala soo tegey Harar.

Dagaalkaas oo ahaa kii ugu horreeyey ee si toos ah u dhexmara Imaam Axmed Guray iyo ciidanka boqortooyada Ethiopia, wuxuu Imaamku ka gaaray guul ballaaran. Ciidanka Fanuel waxaa lagu jabiyey goobtii lagu dagaalamay, waxaana dagaalkaas looga qabsaday illaa 60 faras, baqal fara badan iyo hub sida uu ku xusay Shihaab Al-Diin buuggiisa Futuux Al-Xabasha, baalka 12aad.

Soomaalida iyo Dagaalkii Diimeed ee Imaam Axmed

Inta aynaan soo qaban magacyada qabaa’ilkii Soomaaliyeed ee halyeeyada ugu tabarucay, kana qayb qaatay halgankii Imaam Axmed Gureey uu ugu jiray difaaca dalkiisa,dadkiisa iyo diintiisaba, waxaa in wax uun laga fahmo u baahan doorkii Boqortooyadii Portagues-ka iyo tii Cusmaaniyiin-tu ay ka geysteen khilaafkii Siyaasadeed, Diimeed, iyo Milateri ee ka dhexeeyey Muslimiintii reer Zaylac iyo Boqortooyadii Kirishtanka Ethiopia.

Inkastoo uusan Imaam Axmed soo gaarin dhacdadii uu badmareenkii caanka ahaa ee Vasco Degamo uu ku duqeeyey Muqdisho sanadkii 1449kii, hadana wuxuu goob jog u ahaa, Imaamku, dhacdooyin taas ka danbeeyey oo uu Portuguesku ka geystay xeebaha Soomaalida. Portuguesku wuxuu dareensanaa in culays xagga xeebta ah oo uu saaro saldanadda Adal ay wax weyn u tari karto xaliifkiisa istraatiijiga ah ee boqortooyada Xabashida.

Waxaan horay u soo xusnay in sanadkii 1517 kii ciidanka badda ee Portuguese-ku, oo uu hogaaminayey Lope Saurez, ay gubeen Zaylac. Sanadkii kaa xigayna, 1518kii, ciidan kale oo uu watey Saldanhana, oo isna ahaa badmareen reer Portuguese ah, ayaa cagta mariyey Barbara. Cadaadiskaas uu Portuguesku ku hayey xeebaha Saldanadda Adal waxaa dhinac socday in uu si fiican isugu ballaariyey xeebaha Badda Cas oo dhan.

Dhinaca kale, Boqortooyadii Cusmaaniyiintu waxay dhankeeda xiriir wanaagsan la lahayd saldanadda Adal. Waxay dareensanayd boqortooyadani in ay lagama maarmaan tahay in ay gacan u fidiso maamul ay is dareensiisay in uu kamid yahay dhulweynaha hoos yimaada maamulkeeda. Sandkii 1517kii waxay Cusmaaniyiintu la wareegeen Masar, 8 sano kadibna, 1525kii waxay maamulkeeda ku darsatay Yaman. Dabcan u soo dhawaanshaha Boqortooyada Cusmaaniyiintu ay u soo dhawaatay dhulka saldanadda Adal, waxay kor u qaaday hammigii muslimiinta reer Zaylac ay ku haminayeen in mar uun uu soo gaaro gargaar u dhigma kan ay boqortooyada Xabashidu ka heshay Portagueska.

Labadan quwadood, Portuguese-ka iyo Cusmaaniyiintu, waxay dareensanaayeen, malaha, ahmiyadda uu mid walba ugu fadhiyo in uu taakuleeyo xaliifkiisa gobolka, muslimiinta reer Zaylac iyo boqortooyadii Kirishtanka Ethiopia. Wixii wakhtigaas ka danbeeyey labada dhinac waxay taakulayn milateri ka heleen labadaas quwadood. Waxaase aan meesha ka marnayn in sida qolo walbaa ay u maamusho dhulkeeda iyo sida ay ugu hagar baxdo dadkeeda uu saamayn ballaaran ku yeelan karo natiijada ka soo bixda dagaal ballaaran oo ka dhex qarxa.

Imaam Axmed wuxuu durbaba bilaabay in uu isu soo dumo dhammaan dhinacyadii uu khilaafku u dhexeeyey ee kawada tirsanaa Saldanadda Zaylac. Wuxuu xoog iyo xeeladba ku kasbaday qabaa’il door ah oo ka tirsanaa qowmiyadda Soomaalida. Wuxuuna ugu baaqay in ay marka hore dhammeeyaan khilaafaadka dhexdooda ka jira (sida kii Geri-ga iyo Mareexaan-ka, ama Geri-ga iyo habar Magdi-ga) kadibna ay qayb ka noqdaan difaaca sharafta iyo karaamada umadda.

Wuxuu Imaamku gebi ahaanba ka hortegey, si aan naxariis lahaynna ula dagaalamay, burcaddii dhibaatada faraha badan ku haysay dhulka Saldanadda. Wuxuu dadaal fara badan ku bixiyey in uu ku maamulo caddaalad iyo sinnaan dhammaan mujtamicii ku hoos noolaa maamulka Imaarada. Wuxuu sidoo kale ka takhalusay maamul xumadii jirtay, wuxuuna garabka u raariciyey, isla mar ahaantaasna aruuriyey danyartii iyo masaakiintii ku firirsanayd kuna dhex tabaalaysnayd dhulkii Saldanadda.

Dhanka kale, Imaam Axmed Gurey wuxuu dadaal aan horay u soo marin saldanadda uu ku bixiyey sugitaanka ammaanka gudaha iyo waliba xuduudda ay Imaaraddu la lahayd boqortooyada Xabashida. Wuxuu dhisay ciidan xoog badan oo u qalabaysan diin ahaan iyo dagaal ahaan labadaba. Wuxuu ku soo ururiye Harar ciidan tayo leh oo ka kala yimid dhammaan qaybihii kala duwanaa ee Saldanadda.

Qabaa’ilka Soomaalida ee sida gaarka ah uga qayb qaatay dhismaha ciidankii Imaam Axmed, gaar ahaan dagaalkii ballaarnaa ee Shimbira Gura, waxaan ka xusi karnaa sida ku qoran baalasha 123 iyo 76 ee buugga Futux Al-Xabasha:

Mareexaan

80 faras/90 faras P.44

700 ciidan lug ah

Habar Magdi

50 faras

500 ciidan lug ah

Geri

80 faras

1000 ciidan lug ah

Xarlah

20 faras

300 ciidan lug ah

Harti

300 ciidan lug ah

Yibroh

—-

400 ciidan lug ah

Waxaa sidoo kale ciidan badan isu soo ururiyey qabaa’il kale oo ka soo jeeday qowmiyadda Soomaalida oo ay kamid ahaayeen: Hawiyaha, Jeraan-ta, iyo Mazzar-ka oo aanay sugnayn tirada ciidanka ay u soo direen Harar.

Isaga oo tilmaamaya Shihaabu Diin sidii qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu ay ciidamada u soo tubeen Harar, una ajiibeen baaqii Imaamkooda, Axmed Gurey, wax yar ka hor intii uusan dhicin dagaalkii weynaa ee “Shimbira Gura” wuxuu ku yiri baalka 123aad ee buugiisa Futuux Al-Xabaha:

“ Qabiilkii ugu horeeyey ee yimaada (Harar) wuxuu ahaa Habar Maqdi, oo uu hogaaminayo Garaad Daa’uud. Waxay ahaayeen 50 fardooleey ah iyo 500 oo ciidan lug ah. Iyaga ka dib waxaa yimid reerka Mareexaan, oo uu hor socdo Axmed Hirabu. Waxay ahaayeen 80 fardooley ah iyo 700 oo ciidan lug ah. … Kadib waxaa yimid reerka Geriga oo uu hor socdo Garaad Mataan. Waxay ahaayeen 80 fardooley ah iyo 1000 ciidan lug ah. Sidoo kale waxaa yimid reerka Xarlaha oo uu horsocdo suldaankooda, Suldaan Maxamed. Waxay ahaayeen 20 fardooleey ah iyo 300 oo ciidan lug ah.”

Dagaalkii weynaa ee Shinbira Kore (April 1529 miilaadi-----Rajab 935 Hijri)

Imaam Axmed Ibraahim, imaamkii muslimiinta reer Awdal, markii uu kalsooni ballaaran ka helay dhammaan qabaa'ilkii ay kulmisay imaaradu oo ay kamid ahaayeen qabaa'ilka Soomaalidu, kuna soo ururiyey Harar ciidan fara badan sidii aan horay u soo xusnay, wuxuu u jihaystay qorrax u dhac iyo dhulkii galbeedka kaga toosnaa xaruntiisii Harar, dhulkii ay ka talinaysay boqortooyada Ethiopia.

Dadka iyagu xigsada dhinaca Ethiopia, marka wax laga oranayo taariikhda Geeska Africa, gaar ahaan tii dhexmartay boqortooyada Ethiopia iyo saladanaddii muslimiinta reer Zaylac ama Awdal, waxay sababta ugu weyn ee keentay jabkii lixaadka lahaa iyo burburkii ku yimid dhismihii xoogga badnaa, soo jireenkana ahaa ee boqortooyada Ethiopia, xilligii boqor Lebna Dengel, uga dhigaan "markii Boqor Lebna Dengel uu ka codsaday boqortooyadii Portuguese-ka in ay ciidankeeda kala baxdo dhulka Ethiopia, taasna uu ka faa'iidaystay Imaam Axmed."

Xaqiiqa ahaan, inkastoo aan la inkiri karin sida boqortooyada Ethiopia ay ugu tiirsanayd taageeradii milateri ee Portuguese-ka, iyo sida aysan uga maarmin marnaba taageeradaas xilli saldanadda Awdal uu hogaanka u qabtay shakhsi aan ku soo sheegnay in uu kulansaday tilmaan kasta oo looga baahnaa hogaamiye qaran, hadana, waxaa door weyn ka ciyaaray han-jabka ku yimid boqor Lebna Dengel iyo ciidankiisii fal-celiskii ka soo maaxday dadyowgii ku noolaa dhulalkii boqollaalka sano ay caburinta iyo caga-juglaynta ku haysay boqortooyada Abassynia.

Dagaalkii Shinbira Kore

Sida buugaagta taariikhda lagu qoro, qaarkood, ay xusaan dagaalkan ballaaran ee wax ka bedelay guud ahaan jawigii ay ku kala sugnaayeen muslimiintii reer Awdal iyo nidaamkii boqortooyada Ethiopia, wuxuu ka dhacay goob buuro ley ah oo lagu magacaabo Shinbira Kore, qiyaastiina 80 km dhinaca koonfur-bari kaga beeganayd halka maanta loo yaqaan Adis-ababa. Taariikh ahaan sida uu ku qoray Shihaabu-diin buugiisa Futuuxa, dagaalkan wuxuu dhacay xilli ku beeganaa bishii Rajab sanadkii 935kii hijriga oo ku aadan bishii Abril 1529kii miilaadiga. Laakiin, qaar kamid ah dadka wax ka qoray dhacdadaan waxay ku sheegaan in uu dhacay dagaalku sanadkii 1527kii ama 1528kii.

Labada dhinac ee dagaalkan isaga hor yimid, boqortooyadii kisrishtanka Ethiopia iyo saldanaddii muslimiinta Awdal, waxay mid walbaa isugu keentay ciidan fara badan Shinbira Kore. Boqor Lebne Dengel wuxuu isu soo dumay ciidan aad u fara badan oo ka kala yimid dhulkii Tigray, Amhara, Agew, Begemdir, Gojam, iyo Shawa. Shihaabu Diin oo soo xiganaya qof uga waramay dagaalka oo waraystay nin ka mid ahaa kirishtankii Azmac, ee la soo dagaal tegey maalintaas ciidanka boqor Lebne Dengel, laguna magacaabi jirey Haibi, gadaalna ka qaatay diinta Islaamka, ayaa sidan uga waramay tirada ciidanka boqorka Ethiopia ee ka qayb qaatay dagaalkii Shimbira Kore:

  1. Ciidanka Fardooleyda: 16,000

  2. Ciidanka Lugta: 200,000

  3. Waxay ahaayeen 7 saf.

Dhinaca kale, ciidanka Imaamku wuxuu ka koobnaa sadex saf oo ka kala socdey dhinacyada, Midig, Bidix, iyo Dhexda oo u badnaa ciidan fardooley ah, hor joogana uu u ahaa Imaam Axmed. Ciidankii muslimiinta Awdal ee dhinaca bidix ka socday waxay gebi ahaanba ahaayeen kuwo ka yimid qabaa'ilka Soomaalida sida: Geriga, Mareexaan-ka, Yibraha, Hartiga, Jaraanta, Mazaerka, iyo Barsub-ka. Dhinaca midigta ciidankii ka socday waxay ahaayeen qabaa'il kale oo ka soo jeeday qawmiyadaha kale ee hoos imaanyey xukunka Imaarada Awdal oo kala ahaa, Zaman bara, Barzara, Yaqula, Jasaar, Arab Tka, iyo qabiilka Atqa.

Dagaalkan Shimbira Kore ee dhex maray ciidanka muslimiinta oo uu horjoogey Imaam Axmed iyo kan boqortooyada Ethiopia oo uu gadaal ka hogaaminayey boqor Lebne Dengel wuxuu labada dhinacba u geystay khasaare aad u fara badan. Dagaalkii Shimbira kore wuxuu Imaam Axmed kaga guulaystay ciidankii boqortootayada Ethiopia. Goobtaas dagaalku ka dhacay ee Shimbira Kore waxaa ku dhintay ugu yaraan 3000 oo ciidan ah kana soo jeedey qabaa'illadii Soomaalida sida ku xusan buuga Futuux Al xabasha baalkiisa 81, sadarada 24 illaa 27.

Wixii ka danbeeyey jabkii boqorka Ethiopia iyo ciidankiisa ka soo gaaray dagaalkan Shimbira Kore, Imaam Axmed iyo ciidankiisa waxaa u suura gashay in ay gaaraan dhulka Dawaro iyo Shawa; sanadkii 1533kii waxay guud ahaan ka talinayeen ciidanka Imaamku dhulkii taariikhiga ahaa ee loo yaqaanay boqortooyada Amxaarada.

Imaam Axmed oo qabsaday dhulkii Boqortooyada Xabashida

Markii uu dhamaaday dagaalkii weynaa ee Shimbira Kore, Imaam Axmed iyo ciidankiisuna ay wiiqeen awoodii ciidankii ka soo horjeedey ee boqortooyada Ethiopia, waxaa soo ifbaxay dhowr arimood oo muhim ah, ayna lagama maarmaan ahayd in ay ciidanka guulaystay ku dhaqaaqaan fulintooda:

  1. In dib loo soo celiyo dhulkii ay maamuli jireen imaaradihii muslimiintu, gaar ahaan Bali, Hadya, Dawaro iyo Sidama oo intuba ku hoos jirey gacantii boqorka Ethiopia, Lebne Dengel.

  2. In si aysan ciidanka boqortooyada Ethiopia fursad ugu helin in ay ku soo duulaan dhulkii ay maamulaysay Saldanaddii Muslimiinta ee Awdal, awood ahaan loo burburiyo, loono wiiqo tayo iyo tiro ahaanba ciidankoodii xoogga badnaa.

  3. Iyo In lagu faafiyo diinta Islaamka dhulkii ay maamulaysay boqortooyada Ethiopia oo in badan oo kamid ahaa dadkii ku noolaa aysan haysan wax diin ah, halka qaar badan oo kamid ahaa dadkaas ay horay u haysteen diinta Islaamka, dibse uga baxeen ka dib cadaadis ba'an oo kaga yimid boqortooyada Xabashida oo dhulkooda awood milateri ku haysatey muddo farabadan.

Arimaas dhowrka ah iyo kuwo kale oo aynaan koobinba waxay noqon kareen kuwo aad moodeysey in ay ahaayeen waxyaabihii ka dhex guuxayey horjoogayaashii ciidanka Imaamka iyo hogaamiyahoodii xoogga iyo xikmadaba badnaa, Imaam Axmed Ibn Ibraahim (Gurey).

Imaam Axmed iyo ciidankiisuba waxay markiiba foodda saareen dhulkii ay horay u maamuli jireen saldanadihii muslimiinta ee laga itaal roonaaday kal hore, kuna hoos jirey maamulkii boqortooyada Xabashida. Dhulkii uu markiiba gacantiisa soo geliyey Imaam Axmed waxaa kamid ahaa goboladii Bali, Hadya, Sidamo iyo dhulkii Guragada. Sanadkii 1535kii Imaam Axmed wuxuu wada hantay guud ahaan koonfurta iyo bartamaha Ethiopia.

Xilligaas uu Imaamku gaaray, xoreeyeyna dhulalkii horay looga haystey Muslimiinta, boqorka Ethiopia, Lebne Dengel iyo ciidankiisuba waxay dib ugu gurteen gudaha dhulka Amxaarada, waxayna ku jireen abaabul ballaraan oo ay hub iyo ciidan fara-badan oo ay kaga hortagaan ciidanka Imaam Axmed ku ururinayeen. Isla sanadkaas 1535kii, boqor Lebne Dengel markii uu arkay in xaaladdu ay ku adagtahay ciidankiisa, uuna yaqiinsaday in uusan u babac dhigi karin ciidanka Muslimiinta reer Awdal, wuxuu gargaar milateri u dirsaday xaliifkiisii istraatiijiga ahaa ee boqortooyadii Portuguese-ka.

Wuxuu boqorku, Lebne Dengel, ka codsaday nin la oranjirey John Bermudes oo kamid ahaa khubaro Portuguese ah oo horay u joogey Ethiopia in uu xaalka qallafsan ee boqortooyada Abyssinia ay ku sugantahay uga warbixiyo Portuguese-ka, uuna ka gaarsiiyo in loo baahanyahay gurmad degdeg ah si loo badbaadiyo intii ka harsanayd dhulkii uu ka talinayey oo si tartiib tartiib ah gacantiisa uga wareegayey. (Islam in Africa, by professor Mohamud Brelvi, published by Institute of Islamic Culture, Lahore Pakistan. Feb. 1964)

Waxay inta badan buugaagta wax ka xusa taariikhdan ay qoraan in ciidanka uu Portuguese-ku gurmad ahaanta u soo diray ay ahaayeen 400 oo ciidan oo aad u qalabaysan; laakiin marka aad eegto awoodda ciidankii loogu talagalay in ay ka hortagaan ee Imaam Axmed Gurey, waxaa suurtogal noqon karta in ciidanka Portuguese-ku ay intaas ka badnaan kareen. Sandkii 1541kii waxaa xeebta Misawa ka soo degey ciidan uu Portuguese-ku u soo diray boqortooyada xabashida, uuna hogaaminyey wiil uu dhalay bad-mareenkii caanka ahaa ee Vasco da Gamma oo lagu magacaabi jirey Christopher da Gamma.

Boqorkii Ethiopia, Lebna Dengel, wuxuu geeriyooday sanadkii1540kii isaga oo dhuumaalaysi ku jira intii aanay soo gaarin gurmadkii uu Portuguese-ku u soo diray, si ay qayb uga noqdaan ciidankii boqrku ku daafici lahaa dhulkii Tigre-Amxarada ee ay Imaam Axmed iyo ciidankiisu dhex mushaaxayeen.

Geeridii Imaam Axmed Ibrahim (Gurey)

Markii uu ku geeriyoodey boqor Lebne Dengel, Debra Libanos sanadkii 1540kii, loona awood sheegtay ciidankiisii, waxaa taajka boqortooyada ku soo boodey, markiisa, wiilkii uu dhalay oo lagu magacaabi jirey Galawdewos (1540-1559). Boqorkan dhallinyarada ah, da'diisuna ahayd 25 sano, wuxuu taajka boqortooyada uu qaaday xilli inta badan dhulkii ay ka talin lahayd boqortooyadiisu ay gacanta ugu jirto ciidankii muslimiinta reer Awdal ee uu hogaaminayey Imaam Axmed. Waxaa sida muuqata hortaaley boqorkan cusub hawl aad u dhib badan, ayna adagtahay inuu si sahlan uga gudbo.

Dhinaca kale, Culyskii iyo duullaanadii faraha badnaa ee ciidanka Imaamku ay ku hayeen dhulkii Xabashida wuxuu ku khasbay ciidankii iyo dadkii taabacsanaa boqortooyadu in ay heli-waayaan fursad ay dab ku shitaan (iyagoo ka cabsi qabay in ay bartilmaameed u noqdaan ciidanka Imaamka) si ay isaga kariyaan hilibka xoolaha; taasina waxay sabab u noqotay in ay hilbaha ku cunaan ceeriinka halkii ay ka karsan lahaayeen, arintan oo dhaqan ahaan illaa hadda uga jirta qaybo kamid ah dhulka Ethiopia.

Boqorka Abyssinia, boqor Galawdewos, wuxuu markiiba bilaabay in uu isu soo dumo ciidankii uu ka geeriyoodey aabihiis, Lebne Dengel, oo iyagu ku kala firxaday dagaaladii ay isaga horyimaadeen ciidankii Imaam Axmed. Dhanka kale, sidii aan horay u soo xusnayba, waxa ay ciidankii Portuguese-ku, oo ay la socdaan ciidan Xabashi ah oo ay soo abaabushay haweenaydii uu ka geeriyoodey boqor Lebne Dengel, laguna magacaabi jirey Sabla Wangal, ay u soo dhaqaaqeen goobihii uu ka socdey dagaalku.

Waxaa markiiba dib usii laba kacleeyey dagaaladii ay ciidamada Imaam Axmed iyo kuwa boqortooyadii Xabashidu isaga soo horjeedeen. Dagaalkan, oo isagu yeeshay waji ka gedisan kuwii dagaaladii hore ay lahaayeen, wuxuu markan isu bedeley mid u dhexeeya ciidankii Imaamka oo dhinac ah iyo ciidan xulafa ah, kana kooban Portuguese iyo Xabashi, oo iyaguna dhinaca kale ka soo safnaa. Dagaallo dhowr ah oo dhex maray labada ciidan kadib, waxaa u suuragashay ciidanka Imaam Axmed in ay nolol ku qabtaan isagoo dhaawac ah, kuna dhuumaalaysanaya kaynta, kadibna ay ku dilaan hogaamiyihii ciidanka Portuguese-ka, Christopher da Gamma. Dhacdadan waxay niyad jab aad u weyn ay ku noqotay boqor Galawdewos iyo ciidankiisii xulafada, waxayna kor u qaaday niyaddii cidankii Muslimiinta reer Awdal.

Bishii Ocober,1542kii dagaal gaadmo ah oo ay soo qaadeen, xilli habeeynimo ah, ciidankii xulafada ee boqor Galawdewos, ayuu ku shahiidey Imaamkii muslimiinta reer Awdal, Imaam Axmed Ibraahim Gureey. ( Islam In Africa by Prof. M. Brelvi). Waxaa dad badani rumaysanyihiin in dagaalka uu ku geeriyoodey Imaam Axmed uu ka dhacay agagaarka harada ugu weyn Ethiopia ee Tana.

Wixii ka danbeeyey geeridii Imaam Axmed, ciidankii Muslimiintu waxay bilaabeen in ay dib ugu soo gurtaan xarumahoodii ay markii hore ka duuleen ee saldanadii Muslimiinta ee Awdal.

Waxaan haddii alle idmo sii wadi doonaa taxanahan….. illaa 1991

Waxaa diyaariyey Faqiirkan, wuxuuna u hibeeyey dhammaan inta danaynaysa qadiyadda dalkeenna, Somaaliweyn.

Qoraalkan lama daabacan karo, lamana guurin karo iyadoon ogolaansho laga helin qoraaga xuquuqdiisa iska leh. fadlan wixii ra'yi ah ee kusaabsan qoraalkan kusoo hagaaji cinwaanka qoraha maqaalka ee kor kuxusan. Mahadsanid.

President Adan Cabdille iyo R/wasaraha Ethiopia, Tiezaz Aklilu oo ku doodaya shirkii OAU, 1963

June 18, 2007 at 5:05 am | Posted in somalia Vs Ethiopia | 6 Comments

Tuesday, June 12, 2007

 

President Adan Cabdille iyo R/wasaraha Ethiopia, Tiezaz Aklilu oo ku doodaya shirkii OAU, 1963

 

Aden Abdulle Osman

Somali President, Adan Abdulle Osman, 1963

 

“The present State of agitation and ferment in those areas will continue to fester, unless an equitable solution is found. If the wound is not healed, it will constitute a constant source of trouble in the region, and may affect adversely the friendly relations between the Somali Republic and her neighbors. Let there be no misunderstanding about our intentions. The Somali Government has no ambitions or claims for the territorial aggrandizement. At the same time the people of the Republic cannot be expected to remain indifferent to the appeal of its brethren.

 

The Somali Government, therefore, must press for self-determination for the inhabitants of the Somali areas adjacent to the Somali Republic. Self-determination is a cornerstone of the United Nation Charter, to which we all subscribe. If the Somalis in those areas are given the opportunity to express their will freely, the Government of the Republic pledges itself to accept the verdict.”

 

Af-Somaali: Qayb ka mid ah Khudbaddi Madaxweyne, Marxuum, Aadan Cabdulle Cusmaan uu ka jeediyey shirkii Ururka MIdowga Afrika, sanadkii 1963kii.

 

“Muranka iyo buuqa ka taagan goobahaas (Ogaden) way ka sii darayaan haddii aan xal macquul ah loo helin. Haddii aan dhaawaca la daaweyn, wuxuu ku abuurayaa gobolka mushkilad joogto ah, wuxuuna arinkaasi si xun u saamaynayaa cilaaqaadka saaxiibtinimo ee u dhexeeya Jamhuutiyadda Somalia iyo dariskeeda. Yaan si kale loo fahmin qasadkeenna (Ujeedadeena). Xukuumadda Somaaliya kama laha wax damaaci ah ama sheegasho dhul-ballaarsi. Sidaas oo ay tahay, shacabka Jamhuuriyadda (Somaliya) lagama fili karo in ay ahaadaan kuwo aan dan-ka yeelan codsiga (ka imaanaya) walaalahood (Somaligalbeed). Xukuumadda Somaaliya, sidaas darteed, waa in ay xoogga saartaa (sidii loo heli lahaa) aayo-katashi (ay gaaraan) dadka deggen deegaamada Somaalida ee ku dhow Jamhuuriyadda (Somaaliya). Aaya ka tashigu waa udub-dhexaadka Axdiiga Qaramada Midoobey, kaas oo aan wada rumaysannahay/ wada taageersannahay. Haddii Somaalida goobahaas ku nool la siiyo fursad ay si xor ah ugu muujiyaan mustaqbalkooda, xukuumadda Jamhuuriyadda (Somaaliya) waxay ballan qaadaysaa in ay ogolaato go’aanka (ka soo baxa).”

 

Source: The Ethio-Somali Boundary Dispute, P: 11 and 12 Published by Berhanena Selam, Adis Ababa, 1964

 


Ethiopian Prime Minister, Tsehafe Tiezaz Aklilu, 1963

 

” The Somali delegation apparently wishes to apply in all conference the well-known adage “If you throw enough mud, some of it will stick,” but I had not expected him to apply it as this major conference, attending by great Heads of states from our continent. Whence comes this accusation? I shall restrict myself to a few facts only, so that every one may know the truth (for) once for all. Ethiopia has always existed in history for centuries as an independent state and as a nation, for more than 3000 years. That is a fact. Second fact: The historical frontiers of Ethiopia stretched from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, including all the territory between them. Third fact: There is no record in history either of a Somali State or a Somali Nation. That is too a fact. I apologize for stating it.”

 

Af-Somaali: Qayb ka mid ah khudbaddii R/Wasaarihii Ethiopia, Tsehafe Tiezaz Aklilu uu ka daba akhriyey Madaxweyne Aadan C/lle Cusman, shirkii AOU-da, 1963kii.

 

” Waftiga Somaaliya, siday xaqiiqadu tahay, wuxuu doonayaa in uu ku dabaqo shirkasta maah-maahdii caanka ahayd ” Haddii aad ku tuurto dhoobo (darbi) qaarkeed baa ku dhega,” Laakiin kama aanan fileyn (Aadan Cadde) in uu ku dabaqo shirkan muhiimka ah, oo ay ka soo qayb galeen hogaamiya-yaal dawladeed oo ka kala yimid qaaraddeenna (Afrika). Halkee ka timid eedayntan? Waxaan isku koobi doonaa (in aan ka hadlo) xaqiiqooyin tiro yar kaliya, sidaas darteed qof walbaa wuxuu ogaan karaa runta gebi ahaanteeda. Ethiopia waxay taariikhda ugu jirtey qarniyo sidii wadan madax banaan iyo ummad ahaanba, in ka bada 3000 oo sano. Taasi waa xaqiiqo. Xaqiiqada labaad: Xuduudda taariikhiga ah ee Ethiopia waxay ka soo fidday laga soo bilaabo Badda Cas illaa (laga gaaro) Bedweynta Hindiya, oo ay ku jiraan dhulka u dhexeeya oo dhan. Xaqiiqada Sadexaad: Ma jiro qoraal (lagu sheegay jiritaankiisa) taariikhda wadan Somaaliyeed, ama umad Somaaliyeed. taasi sidoo kale waa xaqiiqo. Waan ka raalli-bixinayaa in aan sheego iyada (arintaas).

 

Source: The Ethio-Somali Boundary Dispute, P: 11 and 12 Published by Berhanena Selam, Adis Ababa, 1964


 

 

Tifaftiraha Alldalka.com

A/Rasaq H. Nuurre

 

Hadalkaas 1963kii uu Ra’isal Wasaaraha Ethiopia, Mr. Aklilu uu ku dooday in Ethiopia dhulkeedu ahaa inta u dhaxaysa Badda Cas (Eritrea) illaa Badweynta Hindiya (Somaaliya) ayaa siyaasad u ah xukuumad kasta oo Ethiopia soo marta; ama boqortooyo ha ahaato, ama Kali-talis ha ahaato, ama Nidaam ku dhisan “Dimoqraadiyad” ha ahaatee.

 

Waxay dareemi kartaa cid kasta oo horay u akhrisay Taxanaha Khilaafka Somaalida iyo Ethiopia, in boqortooyadii Xabashidu ay kaliya ku ekayd dhulka buuralayda Ethiopia. Dhulka uu sheegtay Mr. Aklilu-na ma jiraan wax qoraal ah oo ku xusan buugaagta iyo qoraalada laga hayo taariikhda Geeska Africa oo ayidaya dooddiisii uu ku indha-sarcaadiyey madaxdii qaaradda Africa ee shirtay sandii 1963kii.

 

Hadaba is waydii akhriste sida ay suuragal ku noqotay in R/Wasaaraha DFK, Mr. Cali Maxamed Geeddi, in uu ku tilmaamo Dhoo-Dhoob halgankaas Aabayaasheen (Sida Marxuum, Madaxweyne Aadan Cabdille Osman iyo ragii la midka ahaa) ay ku soo jireen, kuna ilaalinayeen dhulkeenna iyo qadiyaddenna.

 

Waxaa lagama maarmaan u ah dadka Somaalida in ay muujiyaan xilkasnimo, kana feejignaadaan in aan lagu dagin hadallo aan sal iyo raad midna aan ku lahayn taariikhda umaddeenna iyo dhulkeenna.

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